Judith A. Reisman

The press can both stimulate public opinion and miseducate it . . . . The press has become the greatest power within the Western countries, more powerful than the legislature, the executive, and judiciary. One would then like to ask: By what law has it been elected and to whom is it responsible.1

Aleksander Solzhenitsyn


Based on its free speech privileges, the American press is charged with providing a "window to the world" by which the polity may locate the source of a social malaise, evaluate and correct it. But, if establishment media–news and entertainment–broadcasts disinformation and conceals adverse information about a matter or malaise, then the Fourth Estate becomes an unelected fifth column directing law and public policy. Philip Kotler’s classic work Marketing Management2 documents how controlled news is used to "both stimulate public opinion and miseducate" it.3 Rodgers and Kotler report that in a media campaign, two and one-half percent of our social leaders often sway roughly thirteen percent of the public early-on who later move another thirty-four percent, and so on until a majority accept and adapt to the proffered new product or idea.4

Media portrayal–positive or negative–can have a profound impact on public perception. For example, the 1969 Stonewall Riots in New York are widely considered to have been a turning point for homosexuality. The riots are widely perceived to have been a response to police harassment of innocent homosexual patrons in a gay bar.5 However, the riots actually were the result of a police raid on a center for drug trafficking, boy prostitution, and pederasts.6 In that vein, this article will offer evidence of widespread media and academic censorship and misrepresentation, the end result of which is a controlled and distorted public debate about homosexuality, now called "gay" rights.


A. The Press’ Complicity

The National Lesbian and Gay Journalists Association (NLGJA) recently boasted that although homosexuals are less than two percent of the population, three-fourths of the people who decide the content of the front page of the New York Times are homosexual.7 The NLGJA website states that it "works from within the news industry to foster fair and accurate coverage of lesbian and gay issues. NLGJA opposes workplace bias against all minorities and provides professional development for its members."8 Much of the Fourth Estate currently discriminates by employing only bi/homosexuals to cover "sexual orientation" issues, further compromising the public’s ability to obtain unbiased reports.9 On the evidence, what the NLGJA views as "fair" and "accurate" and what it views as "bias" evidences a serious conflict of interest.

Joseph Farah, editor-in-chief of WorldNetDaily, described the problem as follows: "There's an indelicate old newspaper saying that summarizes succinctly the way the industry traditionally viewed the issue of personal and journalistic conflicts of interest. The curmudgeonly city editor would say to his reporter, ‘Hey, I don't care if you sleep with elephants, just don't cover the circus.’"10

That was the American journalistic standard for a long time, right up until the 1970s. Today people sleeping in the elephant tent, the hyena cage, the sheep exhibit, and the gerbil display are covering the circus. In the last quarter-decade, American journalism has transitioned from a profession of disinterested chroniclers to one more akin to a band of lobbyists using the press to support activist causes.

One of the most effective pressure groups in this brave new media world is the NLGJA. Farah reported:

Have you ever wondered why coverage of homosexuals and their cause is so universally positive? Now you know. The NLGJA's president works at the Dallas Morning News. One vice president works at CNN. Another works at Newsday. The treasurer works at the New York Times. The secretary works for USA Today. Looks like they've got most of the bases covered.

. . . .

Barbara Walters, Lesley Stahl, New York Times Publisher Arthur Ochs Sulzberger, all . . . have participated in previous NLGJA events.11

Moreover, on September 13, Farah reported on the NLGJA convention in San Francisco:

I told you this conference was important for one reason -- it's the best example of how our national press corps has become a band of activists, promoting political and cultural causes under the guise of objective news reporting.

While I have been chronicling the activities of [NLGJA] for several years, it wasn't until the 10th anniversary convention in San Francisco last weekend that the group truly came out of the closet with regard to its own activist agenda.

This is not, as the group has portrayed itself, a "professional organization" that promotes higher standards, or gives its members a chance to compare notes, or an outfit that plans good parties for homosexual journalists once a year. It is, instead, a group that has bent so far toward changing the newsroom culture that the big debate in San Francisco was whether journalists should even bother getting other points of view on homosexuals' issues and stories.

. . . .

CBS correspondent and NLJGA member Jeffrey Kofman made his thinking clear: "The argument (is): Why do we constantly see in coverage of gay and lesbian, bisexual and transgender issues the homophobes and the fag-haters quoted in stories when, of course, we don't do that with Jews, blacks, et cetera?"

Paula Madison, vice president of diversity at NBC and news director for the NBC's New York City affiliate WNBC, added: "I agree with him. I don't see why we would seek out . . . the absurd, inane point of view just to get another point of view."

. . . .

Up until now, lip service has been paid to the notion of balance in the press. Even though we all know it is a myth and that the corporate

media are in bed with the very groups they claim to be covering objectively, there was a "pretense" toward fairness. That's gone. Hasta la vista. Bye-bye.12

The mainstream press has ignored recent studies confirming the hisorical professional view that homosexuality is correlated with disorder. In 1999, the Archives of General Psychiatry published two studies correlating homosexuality with significantly higher levels of mental illness than among the population at large.13 Yet a Westlaw search did not reveal a single newspaper story in the United States on either of the two studies. Even before those studies were published, George Rekers, the pioneering researcher in the study Gender Identity Disorder, said that "it would now appear logical that homosexuality per se be re-examined as a mental disorder."14 Yet the press rarely covers scientific research unfavorable to gay activists. Instead, politically incorrect researchers like Rekers are ignored. On the other hand, the press repeatedly cites studies as "fact" that allege homosexuality is biologically determined.15 Though the NLGJA has only recently become so blatant16 about its agenda, such blatancy is the product of a well considered and brilliantly executed strategy that began about the time the NGLJA was founded. Below is the diagram provided by homosexual activists Marshall Kirk and Hunter Madsen in After The Ball, addressing what they call their "conspiracy" (in their own words).17

Kirk’s psychological background and Madsen’s Madison Avenue commercial advertising background enabled the two Harvard graduates to market a new homosexual public face. Kirk and Madsen argued that the AIDS epidemic could conquer American resistance to Gays in the ‘90s.18 The Kirk and Madsen "conspiracy" urges the homosexual movement to cite the research of Alfred Kinsey (now discredited, especially his false claims of ten to thirty-seven percent male homosexuality).19 They also suggest covering up male homosexual promiscuity and predation toward youth and boys by claiming to be traditionalists and faultless victims of religious bigotry.20 Kirk and Madsen’s "Portfolio of Pro-Gay Advertising"21 has been the national model for these pro-gay arguments. To change public attitudes toward homosexuals, Kirk and Madsen explain, activists must target an "unbigoted" audience, i.e. children.22 Instead of free and open debate, Kirk and Madsen advocate silencing critics, desensitizing mainstream America to bi/homosexuality, "jamming" any contrary information, and converting and mobilizing sympathetic political forces.23

Kirk and Madsen


Even now, purging or silencing critics from mainstream academic and media channels involves demonizing those they cannot "desensitize."24 Kirk and Madsen explain how to depict people who would declare bi/homosexuality as an unhealthy norm, tying them to murders like Adolph Hitler25 and the Klu Klux Klan:

[Following our techniques] propagandist advertisement can depict homophobic and homohating bigots as crude loudmouths and assholes—people who say not only ‘faggot’ but ‘nigger,’ ‘kike,’ and other shameful epithets—who are ‘not Christian.’ It can show them being criticized, hated, shunned. It can depict gays experiencing horrific suffering as the direct result of the homohatred—suffering of which even most bigots would be ashamed to be the cause. It can, in short, link homohating bigotry with all sorts of attributes the bigot would be ashamed to possess, and with social consequences he would find unpleasant and scary.26

The Kirk and Madsen model had some rather successful precursors.

Alfred Kinsey–one of the founding fathers of what is now called the "sexual revolution"–applied these same undemocratic principles of silencing, desensitizing, jamming, converting, mobilizing, and demonizing in the 1950s, a time when academia, the press, and Americans generally were far less receptive to libertine sexuality.27

B. Forging the "Conspiracy with the power elite"

According to Kirk and Madsen, "AIDS gives us a chance, however brief, to establish ourselves as a victimized minority."28 Once victims, they explain, homosexuals could expect to receive "America’s special protection and care."29 However, changing public attitudes toward homosexuals would necessitate covering up the population’s sexually promiscuous conduct that even Kirk and Madsen thoroughly document. To alter public policies on bi/homosexuality that were built on hundreds of years of recorded observation and experience would require an effective media campaign. They explain:

The goal here has been to forge a little entente or conspiracy with the power elite, to jump ahead of public sentiment or ignore it altogether.

Sometimes the tactic works: many executive orders (which sidestep the democratic process) and ordinances passed by city councils . . . constitute political payoffs by elected officials whose candidacy the organized gay community has supported . . . .30

Generally speaking, the most effective propaganda for our cause must succeed in doing three things at once.

Employ images that desensitize . . . .

. . . [T]he rational message serves to camouflage our underlying emotional appeal . . . .

Gain access to the kinds of public media that would automatically confer legitimacy upon these messages and, therefore, upon their gay sponsors.

To be accepted by the most prestigious media, such as network TV, our messages themselves will have to be–at least initially– both subtle in purpose and crafty in construction.31

In explaining how to produce idealistic gay advertisements, Kirk and Madsen state:

. . . [I]t makes no difference that the ads are lies; not to us, because we’re using them to ethically good effect . . . .32

In the early stages of the campaign, the public should not be shocked and repelled by premature exposure to homosexual behavior itself. Instead, the imagery of sex per se should be downplayed, and the issue of gay rights reduced, as far as possible, to an abstract social question.33

Kirk and Madsen earlier advised that "[s]traights will be desensitized. . . . [I]nundate them in a continuous flood of gay-related advertising, presented in the least offensive fashion possible. . . . [Then it is possible to] turn next to more difficult, but also more vigorous and rewarding, tactics."34

Repeating often the legitimacy of a "conspiracy" to "jump ahead of public sentiment" and to "sidestep the democratic process" by emotional appeals that displace logic and reality, Kirk and Madsen say to use humor and victimization.35 They also recommend that homosexuals try to "fit in," at least until it is too late to reverse cultural change.36 Kirk and Madsen note that many homosexual men meet in bathrooms for anonymous sexual encounters, propositioning–and often offending–total strangers.37 The authors condemn this, suggesting that the practice, along with its biological residue in bathroom stalls, creates a very negative image for homosexuals:

When you’re very different . . . get your foot in the door, by being as similar as possible; then, and only then—when your one little difference is finally accepted—can you start dragging in your other peculiarities, one by one. You hammer in the wedge narrow end first.

As the saying goes, allow the camel’s nose beneath your tent, and his whole body will soon follow.38

The authors don’t suggest that any of the practices they condemn are somehow inappropriate or wrong–only that they must be temporarily subordinated to the campaign for public acceptance of homosexuality.39

The success of this ongoing campaign and the concurrent schoolroom sexual "reeducation" (discussed hereinafter) is visible in the eight-year shift from youthful rejection to youthful acceptance and experimentation with homosexuality. A recent "teen poll" conducted by the establishment girls magazine Seventeen claimed that seventeen percent of teens polled in 1991, versus fifty-four percent polled in 1999, accept homosexuality as appropriate.40 Seventeen casually noted: "Teens today are likely to experiment: twenty-one percent . . . have fantasized about fooling around with someone of the same sex—and fifteen percent say they have actually done so."41

As in Seventeen, at the same time that establishment media carelessly announces juvenile homosexual experimentation, it suppresses data on the culture of male and female inter-gay violence– especially men battered and killed by pickups and prostitutes—although these cases are often reported by the homosexual press itself. Diligently hidden by both homosexual and establishment media are the data on homosexual violence against children and inter-gay "domestic" battery.

C. Hiding Dirty Laundry

The biases of the media are revealed as much by what is not reported as what is reported. Homosexual authors David Island and Patrick Letellier attempt to expose inter-gay violence in their book, Men Who Beat the Men Who Love Them, estimating that up to "650,000 gay men"42 are annually battered; "a gay man is abused . . . every 90 seconds."43 How many of these battered men die at the hands of other homosexuals? There were 3327 cases of gay-on-gay "domestic violence" reported by the National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs in 199744

— three times the number of "anti-gay" "intimidation" or assaults alleged upon homosexuals that same year.45 Island and Letellier document inter-gay battery as the primary homosexual health problem after 1) AIDS (males), Cancer (females) and 2) drug abuse. They write, "The Director of the Gay Men’s Domestic Violence Project . . . in San Francisco stated that domestic violence may affect and poison as many as fifty percent of gay male couples."46 "We believe that far too many [heterosexual] husbands . . . are violent, but that their proportion is closer to twenty percent."47 "Domestic violence is acknowledged, talked about, and dealt with more in straight relationships than in gay male relationships."48

Approximately 21,000 Americans are murdered every year, an average of 58 each day,49 compared to two killings allegedly based on "sexual orientation" in 1996.50 These hard data find "gay" men to be at far greater risk of harm from other gay men and from outraged, often former boy abuse victims, than from homophobic rednecks. Yet Island and Letellier find establishment media and the homosexual media will not print the truth about inter-gay violence. Why?

It "would be just plain bad press for gays and . . . all bad news needs to be suppressed. . . . [G]ay men truly . . . . have a proportionate share of violent individuals in their midst who bash other gay men [and boys] in startlingly high numbers."51 "The gay community needs to recognize that wealthy, white, educated, ‘politically correct’ gay men batter their lovers."52

The Advocate, the premier magazine for homosexual readers, reports that a minimum of seventy-five percent of its readers admit to engaging in violent sex; twenty percent engaged in sadistic "bondage and discipline"; and fifty-five percent engaged in other sex acts using painful objects.53

Compared to heterosexual distrust or dislike, the rare assault inflicted on someone at a bar and the singular, although horrible, aberrant murder, it is fair to say that the on-going, most significant "hate crimes" against homosexuals are, as Kirk and Madsen noted, inflicted by homosexuals.54 In 1987, "the San Francisco police responded to no fewer than 100 calls per month for gay and lesbian domestic violence. . . . [T]here are thousands upon thousands of victims of gay men’s domestic violence in the United States each month."55

In 1981, the homosexual press reported that about ten percent of San Francisco’s homicides resulted from homosexual sadomasochistic abuse,56 a finding that would be in keeping with the Reisman & Johnson data (discussed hereinafter), and that of several homophile researchers who cited self-confessed sadism among upscale homosexual Advocate readers.57

D. The Facts vs. Media Coverage

Perhaps one of the most memorable media events of 1998 was the murder of Matthew Shepard, a freshman at the University of Wyoming. The Shepard murder is a case study in media bias and the politicization strategies outlined by Kirk and Madsen. Shepard was lured from a bar, robbed, beaten mercilessly, and left unconscious; he later died in a hospital. The press and gay activists quickly turned Shepard’s death into a cause celebre even though family members asked that his death not be politicized, assigning blame for a "climate of anti-gay hate" and "Trickle- Down Hate," culture on conservative Christians.58

The Media Research Center documented how establishment media, including NBC Today, Time, and Newsweek, tried to smear Christians and conservatives by blaming them for an "anti-gay climate" that resulted in the death of Matthew Shepard. In an October 12, 1998, interview with Wyoming Governor Jim Geringer, NBC Today co-host Katie Couric offered her polemical opinion in the form of a question:

Some gay rights activists have said that some conservative political organizations like the Christian Coalition, the Family Research Council and Focus on the Family are contributing to this anti- homosexual atmosphere by having an ad campaign saying if you are a homosexual you can change your orientation. That prompts people to say, "if I meet someone who’s homosexual, I’m going to take action to try to convince them or try to harm them." Do you believe that such groups are contributing to this climate?59

NBC reporter David Gregory later repeated gay activists’ charges that Shepard’s death was the result of "a new cultural war against gays and lesbians[, a] war declared this summer . . . by a coalition of religious- right groups, including the Christian Coalition, which funded advertisements in major newspapers and commercials on TV promoting a campaign to convert homosexuals to heterosexuality."60 In his weekly column, L. Brent Bozell, director of the Media Research Center, derided the smear campaign:

In the last five years the news media have forwarded liberal accusations that Gingrich and Bob Dole were somehow responsible for the Oklahoma City bombing; that pro-life activists somehow encouraged the killing of abortionists; and now once again, a "climate" of conservative speech is endangering the safety of average Americans.

Any media outlet that claims to be a forum for fair, high-minded debate should reject these outrageous smears. Instead, the press simply promotes the demands of the liberal "climate" cops that conservatives shut up before they kill again.61

In a later press release, Bozell noted that mainstream environmentalists were not blamed for creating a hostile climate when the Earth Liberation Front set a Colorado ski resort ablaze, yet Christians and social conservatives were smeared for the deaths of Shepard and an abortion doctor.62

Whether intended or not, the media’s portrayal of Shepard’s murder followed the precise strategy advocated by Kirk and Madsen–silence those who disagree with the agenda by associating them with murderers.63 None of the conservative/Christian groups smeared by gay activists and the press had ever condoned mistreatment or persecution of homosexuals–they had, in fact, condemned it. And one should consider the psychopathology of gay-on-gay violence as far more prevalent than "hate crime" attacks by heterosexuals.64 The press dutifully ignores that information. Moreover, Wyoming police concluded that while Shepard’s homosexuality factored into the killers’ decision, robbery was the main motive for Shepard’s murder.65

On the other hand, the press ignored the nearly simultaneous rape- murder of a 13-year-old Arkansas boy, Jesse Dirkhising (found "bound, gagged . . . repeatedly raped in a sado–masochistic ritual") by two trusted homosexual "partners"–friends of the child’s mother.66 Likewise, the press ignored the 1997 rape/murder of Jeffrey Curley, age 10, by two homosexual "partners" until the parents filed a $200 million lawsuit against the North American Man/Boy Love Association (NAMBLA).67

E. The Hidden Private Face of the Gay Lifestyle

"Mainstream" gay activists furiously deny any and all attempts to link homosexuality with sexual abuse or violence against children, and understandably so. No group would want to be on the receiving end of the "guilt by association" tactics advocated by Kirk and Madsen. While this article does not suggest that all homosexuals are child molesters, the overwhelming evidence finds that "mainstream" gay activists and publications regularly flirt–indeed promote–the notion of pederasty (sex between adults and children of the same sex).

For example, from a group that had promised they would never reach out to the vulnerable teen population for recruits, the lead article recently in The Advocate centers on Adam Nobel who allegedly discovered "he was gay when he was just 11 years old."68 One finds in the same issue under "arts & entertainment," reviews cheering a Broadway play in which their hero "has a soft spot in his heart for paroled convicts and choirboys."69 Another review discusses how a "[s]eventeen-year old Justin" is involved with an older "gay lothario," which is based on a English film Queer as Folk, glamorizing 15-year-old Nathan’s adventures with gay men.70 Another sexually "absorbing film" is Coming Out, "focusing on the love affair between teenage Mattias and 20-something Philip, who has commitment issues."71

Click for larger size version

Prior to Kirk and Madsen, the bi/homosexual movement was much more candid about pederasty. Their articles, illustrations, and advertisements reflect the open pederasty in the mainstream homosexual publication, The Advocate. An artist for The Advocate, the most popular "mainstream" gay publication, created a "playful character" drawing the face–eyes, nose, lips, cheeks of an innocent, sweet young boy, roughly 10-years-old–onto a muscular adult body, provocatively positioned for sexual titillation to the Advocate readers.72

While the Advocate boy is identified in Long Road to Freedom: The Advocate History of the Gay and Lesbian Movement as The Advocate’s "unofficial mascot during its early years,"73 Kirk and Madsen almost certainly would have urged that the eroticized boy-man-child be temporarily removed as the men’s "mascot." The uncommonly suggestive pose pictorially arguably demonstrates "the national gay & lesbian news magazine's" approval of sodomizing young boys.74

Now, while mainstream "heterosexual" pornographers, like Playboy, have conspiratorially engaged in pedophile tactics,75 they have done so outside the cognitive awareness of most of their consumers. While homosexual preferences were blatant, the homosexual community movement presented and presents a public face that is far different from its private face.

Images are critical evidence in a war of images. A Boy Scout illustration is the official mascot adorning The Queens’ Vernacular,76 written by homophile language anthropologist Bruce Rodgers. The Queens’ Vernacular is fully identified as the key dictionary for the homosexual movement, republished in 1979 as [G]ay [T]alk.77 The Queens’ Vernacular contains 12,000 words of which 254 words illustrate sex with boys—who are generically referred to as "chicken." Some examples of how to handle chicken include: "ready to crack," "pluck some feathers," "chicken dinner," "butchered chicken," etc. One such term "boy-scout queen," is defined as "one who pretends to snooze as he is [expletive] or [expletive]."78 Is it any wonder the Boy Scouts have resisted attempts to impose homosexual Scoutmasters?

Advertisements in The Advocate were considerably less subtle than the illustrations. For years a full-page "Penetratable Boy Doll" advertisement appeared regularly in The Advocate: "Available in 3 Provocative Positions: Choose the Model That Will Fill All Your Needs:

20M Realistic Penis $39.95; 20N Realistic Penis that Vibrates; $44.95;

20P Realistic Penis that Vibrates and [the description redacted here by author] $49.95."79

This was prior to the 1988 movement to adopt the Kirk and Madsen plan for getting "the camel’s nose under the tent" by presenting a"normal" homosexual face to the mass media, the power elites and the wider public.80

Moreover, research (discussed hereinafter) clearly identifies the percentage of child molesters among homosexual and bisexual males as significantly higher than among heterosexuals.81 That inconvenient and historically recurring fact is particularly relevant in light of the debate over homosexual leaders in the Boy Scouts.

Yet the press and academia alike largely ignore that issue. At the very least, journalists and "mainstream" gay rights activists seem more concerned with damage to the public image of homosexuals than potential harm to children. That brings to mind the statement of Island and Letellier: "It would be just plain bad press for gays and . . . all bad news needs to be suppressed."82

In their FBI Report on "Child Pornography and Sex Rings," Lanning and Burgess regard one in six sexually abused boys as underreported:

"The numbers for male victimization are more hidden, perhaps because boys are reluctant to admit to being victimized. However, clinical data are increasingly suggesting that boys may be at equal risk for sexual victimization since they are the preferred target of habitual pederasts (men desiring sex with boys, often called pedophiles) and victims of child sex rings." 83

On point, Reisman & Johnson content analyzed 10,292 solicitations, Personals/In Search Of (ISO) advertisements (1988-92) in twenty randomly selected issues from two liberal periodicals read largely by affluent, educated, largely white consumers; The Washingtonian (2885 ISO ads in this premier, mainstream, high gloss heterosexual periodical) and The Advocate (7407 ISO ads in this premier, mainstream, high gloss homosexual periodical).84 The Advocate is the oldest and most credible "gay" magazine. (In Triumphs, Trials, and Errors, Chris Bull interviewed President William Clinton for The Advocate: "With his term coming to a close, President Clinton talks candidly in an exclusive interview about his battles, successes, and future hopes for gay and lesbian rights.")85

Reisman and Johnson purged female ISO’s from The Washingtonian database. The remaining "bachelors" (heterosexual Washingtonians versus homosexual Advocates), were character analyzed by categorizing and tabulating the advertisers’ partner solicitations. These primary findings were supported by several cross-validation analyses of biographies, travel, self-reports as well as other scholarly studies as cited below.86

0.45% Washingtonian heterosexual bachelors (n=2885) were

"in search of/offer" man-girl sex.87

15% Advocate homosexual bachelors (n=7407) were "in

search of/offer" man-boy sex.88

Additional Corroborative Studies:

49% of "gay" male biographies (n=166) report sex with boys.89

41% of "gay" travel in foreign countries (n=139) report laws on adult sex with boys.90

21% of Advocate readers (n=2500) report adult molestation before age 15.91

73% of "gay" men report sex with boys 16-19 or younger.92

100 boys a year, plus, report molestation by a Boy Scout Leader.93

150 boy homosexual victims versus 20 girl heterosexual victims per molester.94

153 homosexual offenders assaulted 22,981 boys.95

224 heterosexual offenders assaulted 4435 girls.96


Figure 1: Gene G. Abel's Child Abuse Data97











graph 1





















graph 2graph 3Boy Abuse   Girl Abuse



Psychologist Eugene Abel reported homosexuals "sexually molest young boys with an incidence that is occurring from five times greater than the molestation of girls. . . . [N]onincarcerated child molesters admitted from 23.4 to 281.7 acts per offender . . . whose targets were males."98

The rate of homosexual versus heterosexual child sexual abuse is staggering. Abel’s data of

150.2 boys abused per male homosexual offender finds no equal (yet) in heterosexual violations of 19.8 girls.99

These data are fully supported by the pre-Kirk and Madsen homosexual political writings, especially blatant in Karla Jay and Allen Young’s two pro-gay books, Out of the Closets100 and The Gay Report. 101

The former reprints "Gay Manifestos" which boldly proclaim "kids can take care of themselves, and are sexual beings way earlier than we’d like to admit . . . nice bodies and young bodies are attributes, they’re groovy," calling for elimination of the age of consent.102

Jay and Young’s finding of fifty to seventy-three percent of homosexual males self-reporting sex with boys103 (even Advocate readers admitted to a twenty-one percent molestation rate by age fifteen),104 is of a "fit" with the one in six or seven boys child-protection data estimates as boy abuse by bi/homosexual males.105

In Figure 2 (below), 1991 US Population, Statistical Abstracts106 data are compared to the conservative, accepted child sex abuse estimates (one in four girl victims and one in six to eight boy victims)107 as well as accepted estimates of the homosexual and heterosexual populations.

[page 302]

Abuse of Total Adult Male Population (90 Million) in 1991108













6-8 Million


Boy Abuse Estimates



1-2 Million

Bi/Homo Male



8 Million


Girl Abuse


86-88 Million


adult male population abuse graph

Hetero Male Population

The homosexual population has been internationally identified in France, England, and the USA as between one and three percent (in a range of 1.5% to 2%).109 Hard data confirm international research and law enforcement reports that the two percent homosexual population harbors a vast pederast boy abuse subculture.110 Again, these data do not suggest that all or most homosexuals abuse children. What they do show, however, is that a statistically significant higher percentage of bi/homosexuals abuse children than do heterosexual males. Since 100% of homosexual males do not sexually assault boys, a vast "gay" subset commits multiple, repeated child sex offenses. It is assumed that much child sexual abuse goes unreported and some unsubstantiated. Hence, the following statistics are to be viewed with caution as reflecting the best available current data.

Looking at the data in Figure 2, of 90 million American adult males:

86-88 million heterosexuals are the population pool from which roughly 8 million girls (25% of all girls) are victimized.111

1-2 million homosexuals are the population pool from which roughly 6 to 8 million boys (17% to 24% of all boys) are victimized.112

Statistically then, 3 to 4.5 boys are victimized per each homosexual male. 113

1 girl is victimized per each 11 heterosexual males. 114

Extant homophile studies also support these high rates of abuse:

50% of white homosexuals had 500+ sexual partners, another one third averaged 100-500.115

25% of white homosexuals admitted sex with boys, "sixteen years old or younger." 116

50%+ of AIDS victims (n=279) had oral or anal sex with a male by age 16 (1981-82).117

20% of AIDS victims (n=279) had sex with a male by age 10 (1981-82).118

21% Advocate respondents (n=2500) "were sexually abused by an adult by age 15."119

The Advocate admitted that by 1991 almost 10,000 vulnerable, lonely boys (discussed later) initiated into homosexual acts allegedly via "consensual" sodomy, are now nonconsensual AIDS statistics.120 Due to better medications, says the executive director of an AIDS resource center, "[d]eaths may be down, but infections are not."121 Why? "Young men think of themselves as immortal." Oral sodomy, a standard homosexual act, was found to be "the lone risk factor (i.e. likely cause) in 8 percent of HIV infections" while anal sodomy "soared by more than 40 percent" in one year, 1997-98 . . . 800 teen-agers (in many cases an entire high school) will be contracting HIV every year [in Kentucky]." 122

The current dearth of data on causation of pediatric AIDS illustrates the deliberate censorship of politically incorrect research. Dr. George Rekers of the Department of Neuropsychiatry at the University of South Carolina, School of Medicine, confirmed Dr. Loraine Day’s observations123 regarding the difficulties encountered by researchers who seek funding or publication if their results are unacceptable to homosexual authorities.124 Government agencies, including the National Institutes of Health, often "stack" review committees with homosexual scientists and/or gay rights supporters, thereby insuring that politically incorrect research is not funded.125

Perhaps the most worrisome of these anti-science activities has been the limited amount of governmental research examining the connection between early child sexual abuse and pediatric AIDS. Dr. Laura Gutman, a respected child sexual abuse researcher, and her colleagues found in their preliminary government funded studies that 14.6% of children in the study with AIDS had "been sexually abused . . . . Transmission by child sexual abuse was the most frequent of the proven modes of acquisition of HIV in this population."126 Twelve males were identified (n=8) or suspected (n=4) of being perpetrators.127 The lack of funding for such studies may deserve a congressional inquiry. To hide the fact that most AIDS children appear to be infected by bi/homosexuals, the "World AIDS Day" artfully reports that "16% of adolescents with AIDS, aged 13 through 19 . . . have been infected through heterosexual contact,"128 rather than that 84% of AIDS children are infected by male bi/homosexual sex abuse.

anotherFigure 3: A Minimum of 59% of Boys Infected by Men



HIV Transmission Routes in Adolescents

Aged 13-21 in the United States"*


Male Homosexuals/bisexual males


Transfusion recipients


Male homosexual intravenous drug users




Intravenous drug users




*These statistics are taken from the study "AIDS Among Adolescents," published in the October 1990 issue of the American Journal of Diseases of Children.

The Advocate published this table, (Figure 3), identifying at least fifty-nine percent of adolescents with AIDS directly infected by adult bi/homosexuals. It is reprinted here verbatim.129 (Individuals over 18 generally are not considered "children" per se, but one should recall that AIDS typically manifests itself several years after infection).

Figure 4: Boys Dead/Dying From Abuse by Men With AIDS










another 2




By 1991 the Advocate cited CDC data identifying 7166 boys and 1537 girls (also commonly infected by bi/homosexual boyfriends) dying of AIDS.130 Where are the thousands of child sex murder convictions for the men who fatally infected these boys and girls?

Total AIDS Boys

20-24 Yrs.     13-19 Yrs.

Where is the outcry on behalf of these children in the establishment media? Instead of prosecution of their rapists-murderers, schools provide carte blanche to predators by implying that boys with AIDS were "gay" from childhood. By labeling boy AIDS victims "consenting gays," homosexual spokesmen "blame the victims," blaming the boy’s own death upon the young "initiate."131

Even Gebe Kruks, a homosexual leader who protested these violations, does not call for the arrests of the children’s killers. Kruks wrote, "Gay boys . . . having sex for money, shelter, love--they are at risk .

. . . Gay men view these boys as recreational toys to be used. I have heard many stories of HIV-positive men having unprotected sex with boys. They don’t think it matters."132

F. AIDS: What the Government Isn’t Telling You

Further evidence of the influence of gay activists over research and journalism abounds. Former Chief of Orthopedic Surgery at San Francisco General Hospital, Dr. Lorraine Day, in AIDS: What the Government Isn’t Telling You, writes, "In our present academic atmosphere, controlled by grants and, hence, by politics that often are special interest politics, it is all too advantageous for someone with a yen for recognition and advancement to publish a ‘scientific’ article that toes the party line." 133

Dr. Day documents some militant homosexuals’ efforts to infect the national blood banks, citing the collection of blood in the gay Castro district of San Francisco. "Special interest blackmail dictates policy . . . . The likes of Castro blood drives are palmed off as humanitarian enterprises when, in fact, they are concessions to gay politics."134 Dr. Day cites an excerpt from the article by Robert Schwab, former president of the Texas Human Rights Foundation in the Dallas Gay News, May 20, 1983, recommending "blood terrorism:" "There has come the idea that if research money (for AIDS) is not forthcoming at a certain level by a certain date, all gay males should give blood. . . . Whatever action is required to get national attention is valid. If that includes blood terrorism, so be it."135

And in 1990, while the Los Angeles Times quietly noted that twenty- four percent of intravenous drug abusers studied who donated blood to the blood bank had HIV,136 no data appeared on what percentage of this group was bi/homosexual. In AIDS: The Unnecessary Epidemic, Dr. Stanley Monteith, M.D. documents "[t]he frightening story telling how the AIDS and Gay Lobbies have been able to prevent physicians from monitoring or controlling this epidemic."137

Moreover, the effort to bring AIDS into the heterosexual world as the only way to ever get a cure appears as part of the homosexual literature. Homosexual activist Randy Shilts, in And the Band Played On, documents the efforts of "gay organizations" that "firmly opposed taking any action to screen blood donors saying the screening would pose serious civil rights questions."138 Shilts fairly reported, "hemophiliac organizations were stunned by the gay perspective. What about a hemophiliac’s right to life? They asked."139 Once again, gay activists demonstrated that other people’s lives are less important than promoting their own socio-sexual agenda.

G. The Gay Academic Union - "Zap And Hide"

The censorious tactics of gay activists are not limited to the media. Academia has been as bad, if not worse. In his seminal work, The Politics of Homosexuality, Toby Marotta, an "out" Harvard homosexual Ph.D. describes "[h]ow the media and establishment politicians were used to build gay power."140 Marotta states that in the 1970s, members of the Gay Activists Alliance–trained in "zapping . . . GAA’s trademark,"141 of any who rebuffed homosexuality142–formed the "Gay Academic Union," (GAU) made up of faculty and students in major universities. Like the National Institute of Health (NIH), professional journals have commonly assigned GAU and other homosexual peer reviewers to research issues touching on homosexuality, assuring a quick death to possible unfavorable findings.143

The GAU has long fought for domination of its worldview within the academic community. One popularized establishment academician, Kate Millet, counseled the members of the GAU "we are . . . powered [by] and have lived and survived on the value, the energy of our [homosexual] passion."144 Millet argued that the nation should be changed to accept this "army of lovers" who will bring "the power of eros" into the lives of all Americans.145 In her interview in Paidika, The Journal of Paedophilia’s "Special Woman’s Issue," Millet calls for "an emancipation proclamation for children" to legalize what she calls children’s "non- exploitive" sex with adults or children, "probably heroic and very wonderful."146

As mentioned previously, researchers and academics with politically incorrect results or opinions often find their careers at a sudden dead end. Moreover, college campuses–ostensibly the bastion of intellectual freedom–have become a haven for violent homosexual extremists.

Ex-gay speakers and those critical of the homosexual movement face such silencing everywhere. The outspoken and brilliant "pagan" lesbian Camille Paglia described her reaction to the tactics employed by ACT-UP, a radical homosexual organization:

ACT-UP’s hysteria made me reconsider those vilified therapists and ministers who think change of homosexual orientation is possible and whose meetings are constantly disrupted by gay agitators. Is gay identify so fragile that it cannot bear the thought that some people may not wish to be gay? . . .

. . . .

If a gay man wants to marry and sire children, why should he be harassed by gay activists . . . ? [Counseling should not be] strafed by gay artillery fire of reverse moralism. Heterosexual love . . . is in sync with cosmic forces. Not everyone has the stomach for daily war with nature.147

Paglia’s observation that "[h]eterosexual love . . . is in sync with cosmic forces"148 is one that is not supported in the current political climate. One can see the development of a two-tiered pattern of suppression: (1) Bi/homosexuals at the National Institute of Health or on peer review committees try to quash funding or publication of studies by researchers who appear to have negative findings on homosexuality;149 (2) Should an occasional study or article of homosexual harms get published, the press commonly ignores ("spikes") those studies, focusing on those that are favorable to the politically correct point of view.

H. Hide The Causes of Bi/Homosexuality

Absent any biological evidence of genetic predisposition, youths who present as bi/homosexual commonly exhibit classical symptoms of childhood trauma (parental violence, alcoholism, sex abuse and/or other dysfunctions).150 Concerned lest the public become aware of the traumatic histories of most allegedly "gay" youth, National Research Council advisor and Kinsey researcher John Gagnon directed sex researchers to hide the causes of homosexuality:

The wish of some gay men and lesbians to locate the origins for their desires in . . . biology or early experience deserves a respectful response even though I think it to be wrong. . . .

. . . Attempts to placate the oppressors will only invite further persecution. The source of freedom in everyday life for gay men and lesbians is continued vigilance and practical political action.151

Gagnon’s mandate is not science, but propaganda. Eager to conceal any causes rooted in bad parenting or early sex abuse which suggest adult irresponsibility, even crime, gay activists formed groups like PROJECT 10, PFLAG (Parents and Friends of Lesbians and Gays), and GLBT (Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual And Transgendered)152 youth. Since historical, cross-cultural, literary and testimonial evidence clearly identifies a homosexual etiology of family disorders, it is understandable that many parents zealously insist their child was "born that way," avoiding the personal blame and public disgrace inherent in having placed their offspring in harm’s way. But, how did two and one-half percent of America’s leaders,153 largely America’s intellectual community, adopt these radical new views on sex and homosexuality?


To answer that question we turn to Alfred C. Kinsey. In 1989 the prestigious National Research Council proclaimed that sex science "can be divided somewhat crudely into the pre-Kinsey and post-Kinsey eras."154 At the time of this writing, 20th Century Fox announced plans for a major film on Kinsey’s life, with Tom Hanks or Harrison Ford glamorizing the Indiana sex revolutionary.155

On April 23, 2000, The New York Times Book Review celebrated the fact that Indiana University had given America "the man whose studies started the sex revolution."156 And, on April 17, 2000, Salon’s Scott McLemee wrote:

Kinsey’s effect on society was profound and enduring. It did not rise and fall with his bestseller status . . . [but became] the manifestoes of sexual revolution and the counterculture . . . .

The history of sex in America falls into two large, unequal, yet clearly defined periods. The first era belonged to the Puritans, the Victorians . . . . This epoch of libidinal prohibition lasted until Jan. 4, 1948. The following day, Professor Alfred C. Kinsey of Indiana published "Sexual Behavior in the Human Male." Whereupon, as the expression has it, the earth moved. 157

Since 1948, Kinsey has continually fashioned the American libido. As The North American Man-Boy Love Association (NAMBLA), the world’s largest pederast organization, says any who would understand the modern theater of "sexual orientation" must "know Kinsey’s work" for implicit in it is the struggle for pedophile control of America’s children. "Gay liberationists in general, and boy-lovers in particular, should know Kinsey’s work and hold it dear."158 "[I]mplicit in Kinsey is the struggle we fight today."159

Why is Kinsey’s role as the father of sex "science" important to any debate about homosexuality and sex education in the schools? The mandate to teach bi/homosexual and heterosexual experimentation as legitimate for children and youths originated with Kinsey’s data, which formulated a revolutionary belief in child and juvenile sexual need and entitlement. Many Americans born post WWII may not recall the Kinsey team and their reports, Sexual Behavior in the Human Male160 (hereinafter Male) and Sexual Behavior in the Human Female.161 A vast and meticulously orchestrated media-relations campaign made Kinsey a household name and heralded him as a folk hero in over seventy percent of the nation’s press.162

Life, Look, Time and every other major mainstream magazine promoted his bold sex "findings" as heroic scientific truth.163 Indiana University had set the stage by posing zoologist Kinsey as a conservative Republican academic, a family man, who serendipitously stumbled onto sex research only to discover that while Americans pretended to be virtuous, virginal, monogamous, and faithfully heterosexual, they were really hypocritical and promiscuous.164 Kinsey claimed ninety-five percent of men were really sex offenders and from ten percent to thirty-seven percent were occasional homosexual adventurers.165 Camille Paglia wrote insightfully about Kinsey’s fraudulent ten percent finding and its service to the homosexual movement.

The ten percent figure, servilely repeated by the media, was pure propaganda, and it made me, as a scholar, despise gay activists for their unscrupulous disregard for the truth. [Homosexuals were too well aware that one in ten of the men that they met were not "gay."] Their fibs and fabrications continue, now about the still-fragmentary evidence for a genetic link to homosexuality and for homosexual behavior among animals.166

As Pagilia suggests, Kinsey was long ago exposed as a scientific fraud. Both of Kinsey’s most recent admiring biographers confessed he was a sadistic bi/homosexual who seduced his male students and coerced his wife, his staff, and the staff’s wives to perform for and with him in illegal pornographic films made in the family attic.167 Kinsey and his mates, Wardell Pomeroy, Clyde Martin, and Paul Gebhard, had "front" marriages, which concealed their strategies to supplant what they saw as a narrow procreational Judeo Christian era with a promiscuous "anything goes" bi/gay pedophile paradise.168 We now know Kinsey, for example, "was deeply influenced by five pedophile headmasters who were quite clear they had very warm relationships with young adolescent boys of twelve or thirteen" in one New England area.169 An early adherent and advocate of masturbation, Kinsey suffered an untimely death due, at least in part, to "orchitis," a lethal infection in his testicles that followed years of sadistic, orgiastic "self-abuse."170 Kinsey’s obsessive, brutally masochistic masturbation methods appear to have assisted in his early demise.

Kinsey solicited and encouraged pedophiles, at home and abroad, to sexually violate from 317 to 2035 infants and children for his alleged data on normal "child sexuality."171 Many of the crimes against children (oral and anal sodomy, genital intercourse and manual abuse) committed for Kinsey’s research are quantified in his own graphs and charts.172 For example, "Table 34" on page 181 of Kinsey’s Male volume, claims to be a "scientific" record of "multiple orgasm in pre-adolescent males."173 Here, infants as young as five months were timed with a stop watch for "orgasm" by Kinsey’s "technically trained" aides, with one four-year-old tested twenty-four consecutive hours for an alleged twenty-six orgasms.174 Sex educators, pedophiles, and their advocates commonly quote these child "data" to prove children’s need for homosexual, heterosexual, and bisexual satisfaction via "safe-sex" education.175 These data are also regularly used to "prove" children are sexual from birth.

Kinsey’s closet team 1) "forced" subjects to give the desired answers to their sex questions,176 2) secretly trashed three quarters of their research data,177 and 3) based their claims about normal males on a roughly eighty-six percent aberrant male population including 200 sexual psychopaths, 1400 sex offenders and hundreds each of prisoners, male prostitutes, and promiscuous homosexuals.178 Moreover, so few normal women would talk to them that the Kinsey team labeled women who lived over a year with a man "married," reclassifying data on prostitutes and other unconventional women as "Susie Homemaker."179

How could a dry, scientific tome be hyped globally to bestseller status and draw no questions from skeptical reporters (there was no NLGJA in those years) or scientists as to where children for human sexual experiments were obtained when the nation was still reeling from Nuremberg? In his Male volume, Kinsey defined children’s torment ("screaming," "writhing in pain," "fainting," "convulsions," etc.)180 as "orgasms" for infants too young to speak. Who sexually tested these children? Where were the parents? Among thousands of international reviews of the Kinsey Reports, no one asked these questions of the man who, as Gore Vidal declared, was "the most famous man for a decade,"181 and who, more specifically for this writing, is the man the homosexual and pedophile movement thank for their advance.182

Dr. E. Michael Jones, in his book Libido Dominandi: Sexual Liberation and Political Control,183 discusses the effort to suppress this author’s early findings on the Kinsey fraud and on child pornography—an effort that directly resembles the current media spin controls and suppression of critical findings on homosexuality:

On July 23, 1981, Reisman delivered a paper entitled "The Scientist as a Contributing Agent to Child Sexual Abuse: A Preliminary Study," in which she brought up for the first time in the thirty-two years since it had been published, the material on child sexuality in Tables 30-34 of the Kinsey Male volume and wondered how this data could have been obtained without involvement in criminal activity. Before giving her report, Reisman had written to Male volume co-author Paul Gebhard to ask about the data in Tables 30-34. Gebhard wrote back saying that the data had been obtained from parents, school teachers, and some male homosexuals, including "some of Kinsey's men" who had used "manual and oral techniques" to catalogue the number of orgasms they said they could stimulate in infants and children. Virtually the entire sex industry-sex research establishment worldwide was in attendance at the meeting in Jerusalem, but the reaction to the talk was silence, stunned or sullen or otherwise, until a Swedish reporter wondered out loud why the assembled experts had nothing to say.

The silence was understandable. Just about everyone in attendance had cited Kinsey as their mentor, and some even knew about the criminal activity involved in Kinsey's research. They all knew that Kinsey's research was the basis of their "science," which is to say, the legitimizing basis for everything they did. Kinsey was the foundation of that house of cards. If what he had done could be discredited, it threatened the sexual empire which had been built since his death and upon which they all depended for a livelihood. Later when word got out that Reisman had government money to pursue her thesis and show a link between Kinsey' s exploitation of child "sexuality" and Playboy, Penthouse, and Hustler' s exploitation of the same thing, stunned silence turned to determined, if behind the scenes, action.184

Notre Dame Law Professor Charles E. Rice later commented that this author’s study "supports the conclusion that Alfred Kinsey’s research was contrived, ideologically driven and misleading. Any judge, legislator or other public official who gives credence to that research is guilty of malpractice and dereliction of duty."185 Yet in the nearly twenty years (1982-2000) since Kinsey was exposed as a fraud, Westlaw journal articles cite Kinsey positively roughly 650 times–from hate crimes and homosexual marriage to child custody and rape. The Social Science and Science Citation Indices reference Kinsey roughly 6000 times over this same period. On the evidence, Kinsey is far and away the most influential sex scientist in the law.186 Fully 100% of the sex science citations in the original 1955 American Law Institute’s "Model Penal Code" cite Kinsey’s bogus data on "normal sexuality"—alive today in courts and legislatures.187

Pioneering the current Kirk and Madsen model, Kinsey’s critics were largely silenced and/or slandered by Kinsey and the establishment media (which celebrated his discoveries on the cover of seventy percent of American newspapers)188 and "jammed" critics as sexually repressed, ignorantly religious, mean spirited, unscientific, and backward versus Kinsey (using many photographs) as a normal, middle-American husband and father and a scholarly seeker of truth. Continued media applause desensitized the public. Kinsey was praised as the prophet of the sexual revolution. In her latest book on the subject,189 this author argues that America’s growing libidinous pathologies–taught as "safe" and "safer" sex in primary, secondary, and graduate schools and reflected in our fine and popular arts, the press, law, and public policy– largely mirror the documented190 sexual psychopathologies of the Kinsey Institute team itself.191

This "free sex" movement coarsened the populace by demoting sex from its rarified, idealistic, marital pedestal and private expression into ye old pagan rituals of public display, discourse and performance. One of the end results of Kinsey’s "grand scheme" would be the revival of the traffic in both adult and child heterosexual and homosexual prostitution and pornography.


"The White Slave Trade," i.e. sex traffic in women and children, was crippled in 1912 by the Mann Act,192 based on the realization that, unless they are prematurely interfered with, or suffer from genitally related hygenic or medical problems, preadolescent children are normally asexual and deserving of governmental protection from adult sexual predators. Child prostitution centers closed everywhere and venereally- infected and dying children were nursed and buried by women’s church groups. However, after Kinsey the child sex industry rose again,193 carried forward by two Kinsey acolytes. A virginal college youth, Hugh Hefner, read Kinsey and became his "pamphleteer" aiming to legitimize adult and, more subtly, child194 pornography.195

Harry Hay, a bisexual molested as a fourteen-year-old boy,196 read Kinsey’s claim that ten to thirty-seven percent of men are sometime- homosexuals, left his wife and children, and began the campaign to legitimize sodomy. Hay elevated sodomy from a defining pathological and illegal act to a state of being. Homosexuals, Hay said, are an oppressed "minority"197 deserving special or civil rights, thereby spawning the "gay" rights movement.

Kinsey’s anthem of sexual promiscuity without consequences would be played out over the decades, but Kinsey’s data deliberately covered up the disastrous consequences of deprivatizing sex to promote greater "public sexual expression"–increased prostitution, public sexual solicitations, sodomy and obscenity, venereal disease, illegitimacy, abortion and finally drug abuse, suicide, rape, homicide, child sexual abuse, and a myriad of other social disorders. Absent bad consequences, Kinsey, Hefner, Hay, The American Law Institute, etc., said that laws restricting public or private sexual activity were obsolete. After 1948, pressured by media and scholars, and with the legal profession parroting the Rockefeller-funded Kinsey, the omnipresent "vice squads" rapidly disappeared.198 Kinsey admirer and Princeton historian David Allyn explained:

[Kinsey undermined] the very legitimacy of public morality itself . . . . In the post-WWII era, experts abandoned the concept of "public morals," a concept which had underpinned the social control of American sexuality from the 1870's onward . . . . Sexual Behavior in the Human Male was virtually silent when it came to questions of public sexuality; this silence served Kinsey's deregulatory ends.199 "Consent" has become the moral imperative surrounding sexual conduct. Not only has "consent" legalized unwed sex between adults ("fornication"), but implicitly between youths as well, justifying "safe sex" instruction to schoolchildren and even allowing Harvard Ph.D. John Money, Johns Hopkins Professor Emeritus, to claim that should a boy die, having been party to "a death pact, [as] a couple who are sadomasochistic," perhaps that should be legal if "it was totally a consensual relationship."200

Kinsey had a profound impact on psychiatry. Before Kinsey, psychiatry had a long tradition of believing that "too much sex is a bad thing . . . that masturbation is unhealthy, and psycho-dynamically oriented thinkers have written on Don Juanism and nymphomania."201

But, Kinsey and his followers taught clinicians that "sexual hypofunction . . . is natural, healthy, and pleasurable. Mastery of masturbation is now seen as an important first lesson for the patient or couple undergoing sex therapy."202 Moreover, his pedophile data203 claiming that children are "sexual from birth," are carved into the fabric of science, pedagogy, and law. This "fact" is still taught worldwide to psychiatrists, pediatricians, psychologists, sexologists, pedagogues, law and justice professionals, media moguls, theologians, public policy makers, and other movers and shakers–moms and dads.

Kinsey’s pedophile data "proving" infants and children capable and deserving of orgasm from birth, and homosexuality and sodomy as normal, have justified teaching "sexual diversity" from grade school onward. With childbirth the only undesirable sexual outcome, and sodomy and masturbation (alone, in dyads, or groups) taught as harmless contraceptives and part of a well-rounded sexual repertoire, schoolchildren would be smoothly socialized into the hypersexual culture.


While many Kinsey followers suggest sexual orientation is innate, the tactics of gay activists themselves suggest otherwise. The following strategies for crafting "gay" children suggest homosexuality requires vigilant and organized wooing that rivals the recruitment techniques of the United States Marine Corps. Children, (labeled "initiates" as in prostitution or religion) are weaned from their "old fashioned" parents, "first into a self-affirming semisecret group, then by collective socialization into a ‘gay’ cultural system,"204 a form of religio-sexuality cult. San Francisco State University Sexuality Professor and homosexual advocate Gilbert Herdt spells this out in his anthology Gay Culture in America.205 Hundreds of homosexual activists who "range in age from twenty-three to the late forties,"206 "aid" child initiates. Homosexual advocate Frederick Lynch describes the function of advisors in the suburban context.

[W]hat has not been brought out fully in some other coming out studies is the role of guide, teacher, or "helping hand" in either the signification state, the coming-out-stage, or both . . . . [T]he often benign and helpful role that older, more experienced homosexual men play with regard to younger [males].207

we are recruiting


Left is an ad by the Mulinomab County Children & Youth Commission offering"rewarding opportunities" to those seeking to aid "sexual minority youth," etc., with the Commission (like many homosexual "youth" groups) offering scholarships to those children who will attend their events.

In their New York University Press classic, Lavender Culture,208 editors Jay and Young present Gerald Hannon address "Gay Youth and the Question of Consent."209 This prestigious homosexual political manifesto candidly describes the organized homosexual campaign to recruit children. "I believe . . . we have to behave in a certain way vis-à-vis young people. I believe that means we have to proselytize . . . . The answer is to proselytize. Aggressively so."210 The homosexual movement has long advocated ending age of consent laws.211 Shocked that the "gay" youth group he guides did not fully favor eliminating age of consent laws, Gerald Hannon says the boys will learn better soon:

Why is sexual childhood necessary? By that I mean why is it necessary to maintain the myth that children are not sexual beings? It is maintained, after all, in the face of rather massive evidence to the contrary. Infants in their cribs have orgasms—Kinsey documented them in babies less than a year old . . . .212

Simply being young does not endow you with a perspective on social change. That has to be learned. Consciousness-raising is crucial . . . And if the Gay Youth Group isn’t prepared quite yet to demand an abolition to age-of-consent laws, that’s all right. But it’s one of the things they’re preparing for . . . .213

During the recent gay conference in Toronto, the matter of age-of-consent laws surfaced for reconsideration. Their abolition is one of the demands of the National Gay Rights Coalition (NGRC) . . . its contingent should contain a few teenagers . . . The question is where to get them. The answer, again, is to proselytize. At present, we do not have organizations that are chock-a-block full of young people . . . . To attract young people to the gay movement in large numbers should be the challenge to the next phase of the movement. It is a challenge we have set ourselves . . . .214

As a result of such cult proselytizing in schools nationwide, many homosexual groups are now "chock-a-block full of young people."215 "Adult advisors" also answer the challenge to what Hannon called the next phase, "to attract young people to the gay movement in large numbers."216 Child "initiates" (many who die early of AIDS)217 are courted, given a pseudo-home and family, welcomed, wooed, held, and embraced. Herdt says:

[T]he adult advisors, in their twenties and thirties are around. The adolescent newcomer’s reception is also unexpectedly warm, remarkably praising and positive, for advisers make every effort to acknowledge the courage of "new people" in joining the group. . . .

Each person is loudly applauded.

. . . [A]ll "new people," those who have come for four Saturdays or less, are ushered into a smaller separate room, where they huddle with one or two advisors as an isolate.218

They laugh at "straights," derided as "breeders,"219 share clothes, are loaned money, have "fun with friends, and adult-supervised learning:"220

Their seclusion past, they enter the larger Horizons’ group as public initiates . . . . Their feeling of belonging makes the heterosexual conventions they must obey at home, school, or work seem unreal, as if they belong to another time and place . . . . Parents are a constant source of exasperation and amusement.221

Children’s past values of family and nation are treated with contempt and ridiculed as narrow-minded and shallow.

Cults commonly separate and isolate children from their parents and family members, those who might reveal to them the harm of their new "friends." Protective adults must attend to the "gay" press proclamation that, "the [erotic] love between men and boys is at the foundation of homosexuality."222 Herdt, editor of Gay and Lesbian Youth,223 agrees. He explains that laws against adult sex with children are irrelevant, citing a female psychologist’s view that as culture shapes behavior, "age itself becomes an ‘empty’ variable."224

Herdt articulated the homosexual movement’s call to eliminate the words "child or childhood"225 from the vocabulary in The Journal of Pedophilia, while another homosexual academic notes some "small boys are made into big strong men through pederasty . . . . Aspiring initiates firmly believe this."226

Writing on the role of adult homosexual "Coaches," Fredrick Lynch says, "Indeed, in this study five subjects (boys) were taken to bars or otherwise initiated into the gay subculture by men who were either the same age or older."227 Writing in After the Ball, gay rights strategists Kirk and Madsen are candid about what commonly happens to boys in "gay bars" with "men" the "same age or older" than a teenage boy. "[U]nless we have a young, handsome face and tight body, and dress in fashionable clothing, the minute we step through the door of a gay bar we learn who the real queer bashers are: us."228

Every year, the ideals of countless naïve, fresh-faced youths are— metaphorically, if not literally—gang-raped in the bars by older, more cynical predators. . . . Wanting to retrieve something from the ruin of their hopes . . . sooner or later, there they are at the Greyhound bus station, waiting to greet the next busload of farm boys from Peoria.

. . . .

. . . One very young New York City boy, homosexually active since puberty, spent his entire sixteenth birthday riding trains through the city and weeping for his lost youth.229

If taking boys into gay bars (which, by the way, is illegal) where men pick up the youngsters for quickie sex is "benign," what does Lynch mean by "otherwise initiated into the gay subculture?"230

A. The Induction Process

The "gay" child requires sustained contact with one or more homosexual "coaches" to establish the child’s "sexual identity as a homosexual," to facilitate "the process of coming out."231 A critical read of these "gay" position papers on youth identifies both unambiguous seduction and the absence of any candid admissions of the massive, organized boy prostitution traffic. For such adult "guides" and "advisors" as often as not seek profit from using and selling the boys’ sexual favors. The critical reader, bearing in mind the boy prostitution traffic, ponders Lynch’s three-stage initiation process:

- First is the "sensitization" stage, a same-sex experience in childhood or adolescence.232 (Here even Lynch documents early sexual trauma as normally causal in a homosexual outcome.)

- Second is the "signification" stage, when a child wonders about his or her heterosexuality "in their late teens or . . . somewhat earlier–usually by reading about homosexuality."233 (This is a regular occurrence now in classroom activity and via the establishment media.)

- Third is the "coming out" stage, which commonly takes place at that gay bar where benign "advisors" bring their boys.234

B. The Role of "Adult Advisors"

Recall, Herdt carelessly notes that many hundreds of homosexual "volunteers" who "range in age from twenty-three to the late forties"235 act as "adult advisors" for these children. Sociologist Fredrick Lynch’s observation that "what has not been brought out" is the way the guide serves as a "helping hand . . . [and] often benign and helpful role that older, more experienced homosexual men play with" impressionable young boys.236

which of these teens

 After the advent of the AIDS epidemic, academic homosexual leaders worried that boys were avoiding gay men. Herdt explained that homosexual leaders determined they must access schools, scouts, and other child institutions in order to "institutionalize ‘socialization’ techniques"237

to bring homosexuality to mainstream youth in the mid-1980s and reverse a growing youthful resistance to homosexuality. School newspaper ads seeking "gay" youths238 and proclaiming a battle against gay suicide and associated "hate" crimes began to appear regularly. Herdt explained why homosexual recruitment efforts increased. "We had not foreseen that . . . gay youth would also have to contend with the new horrors of AIDS [and that] . . . teenage gays and lesbians would shun older gays as role models or even as friends . . . ."239

To meet this challenge, Herdt said, "[O]nly now has gay culture begun to institutionalize ‘socialization’ techniques for the transmission of its cultural knowledge to a younger generation . . ."240 as "local ‘gay’ movements provide their own infrastructural support for the coming out process in teens."241

Homophile medical anthropologist Douglas Feldman claimed, "these kids are our (the gay community’s) future and we must invest in them."242 Yet, Feldman admits that gay and lesbian organizations discourage having "gay" boys tested for HIV.243 Why? Feldman’s reply is disturbing. "Teenagers tend to be very susceptible to sexually transmissible diseases [that testing might expose],"244 observed Feldman,. In any event, Feldman observes, these boys "have about a one in four chance of developing AIDS in approximately five years."245 So how does the gay community counteract the unforeseen boyish fear of homosexual sex and an early, painful and lonely death?

Methods of socialization into "gay cultural values" were subsequently developed and implemented.246 The victim-minority propaganda techniques which Marshall and Kirk diagramed in After The Ball were largely followed to facilitate sexual access to all American schoolchildren. "How To Stop Child Abuse," is one of a series of full-page, fear-based advertisements designed by Kirk and Madsen to sell the idea of "bi/homosexual youth" to middle-America.247 Propagandizing as science the false Kinsey data that "one in every ten kids" is gay, the ad poses a forlorn, average young boy of about thirteen years of age. Implicit in the ad language is the threat to parents and boys–this could be you.248

The ad says the boy felt "different" when growing up and realized he was gay. 249 Then he was abused (thrown out of his home) by his parents and brutally rejected by his friends.250 Because most children feel "different," telling children this could mean they are "gay" exploits the viewer’s fear even as it encourages homosexual experimentation and recruitment.251

Kirk and Madsen provide an eight point "Strategic Evaluation" form to evaluate an ad’s success in vilifying the "straight" world as scoundrels and smearing "parents [and] his folks," who are not gays, as child abusers.252 This advertisement rates a "Bull’s–eye," say Kirk and Madsen,253 for implicit in the ad "How To Stop Child Abuse" is the boy’s possible suicide because of "his folks’" intolerance of yet another "gay teen."254 Following is the Kirk and Madsen analysis of the ad:
STRATEGY: Jamming / Conversion / Desensitization. Build straight sympathy and protectiveness toward gays by portraying them as innocent victims of circumstance and bigotry. Teach readers that homosexuality is extremely common. [Kinsey’s fraudulent 10 percent claim]

COMMENT: The headline catches the eye, and trades on the perennial public hysteria about child abuse (which is, of course, often blamed on gays). Then the copy turns the tables on straights: by focusing on teens, the ad portrays gays as innocent and vulnerable, victimized and misunderstood, surprisingly numerous yet not menacing. It also renders the ‘anti-family’ charge absurd and hypocritical. Bull’s eye. 255

However, the truth is that the "public hysteria about child abuse" is grounded in real sexual violence, including sexual violence to boys by men. Moreover, current U.S. population data comparing heterosexuals and homosexuals finds that child abuse should be "often blamed on gays," a population which reports that its strategy of winning youths necessitates "coaching" and "guiding" children into homosexual experimentation.

C. One Teenager in Ten

In an era of pandemic child sexual abuse and pedophile predators, despite the mortality of AIDS, sexual license is regularly proffered in classrooms by allegedly platonic pedagogues who claim to harbor no libidinous yearnings for their charges. Lesbian teacher Virginia Uribie began the current practice of recruiting children into homosexuality via the classroom. Her organization describes itself as follows: "PROJECT 10, named after Kinsey’s (1948) estimate that 10% of the population is exclusively homosexual . . . has become a district-wide and nation-wide forum for . . . lesbian, gay, and bisexual teenagers."256

But, the entrapment of children under national programs like PROJECT 10 continues where Kinsey left off. An incredible thirty-eight percent of the short stories in ONE TEENAGER IN 10 celebrate child-adult sexual activity and normalize child sexual abuse.257 A sampling of these stories read as follows: "I was twelve . . . [when] my dance teacher . . . brought me out;"258 I was in seventh grade when I moved in with my "32- year-old-lover;"259 I was in fourth grade and had sex with my uncle;260 "I’m fifteen," and have sex with "this guy Reggie, who is 23."261

D. The Schools Pitch In

Examples of sexual recruiting continue. New York City Schools: In 1991, the AIDS Program Services, New York City Department of Health published and distributed "A Teenager’s Bill Of Rights"262 to New York schoolchildren. The pamphlet, endorsed by a series of credible organizations, tells the readers, "I have the right to decide whether to have sex and who to have it with," without reference to parents, age of consent, or statutory rape.263 The following tender, romantic directions grace an illustration of "How to use a condom." Children should use condoms in "vaginal sex (penis into a woman’s vagina), oral sex (penis into the mouth) and anal sex (penis into the butt). Use a dental dam . . . or plastic food wrap for oral sex . . . . Hold it over her vagina to keep from getting her fluids in your mouth."264 Romantic indeed.

Minnesota Schools: The Minnesota Department of Education in its booklet "Alone No More: Developing a School Support System for Gay, Lesbian and Bisexual Youth," stands on Kinsey’s false, "full continuum of sexual orientation."265 Denying the well-known sexual trauma inherent in the initiation of lonely and isolated children into early sex, and the predictable pattern of sexual disease and even death from homosexual conduct, the twin myths of condom safety and "informed consent" have become the sex educator’s fetish. School personnel are warned that they must adhere to the new sexuality dogma or be labeled homophobes, subject to serious disciplinary action.266

Perhaps not coincidentally, The University of Minnesota is a central source of the current positive pedophilia program. University of Minnesota Press is advertising its new book, "Harmful to Minors: The Perils of Protecting Children From Sex,"267 as challenging widespread anxieties about pedophilia. Its author, Judith Levine, claimed there is no proof that "it’s always harmful for kids to have sexual relationships with adults . . . a boy’s sexual experience with a priest could be positive."268

"With more research, some scholars say, it may be only a matter of time before modern society accepts adult-child sex, just as it has learned to accept premarital sex and homosexual sex."269 "Children are the last bastion of the old sexual morality," wrote one of the trailblazers for this view, Harris Mirkin, an associate professor of political science at the University of Missouri-Kansas City.270

Massachusetts Schools: In Massachusetts, Department of Education employees are reported as "describing the pleasures of homosexual sex to a group of high school students at a state-sponsored workshop, March 25, 2000."271 Homosexual lecturers described the fun of "fisting," (insertion of ones fist–even an arm–into, another’s rectum) in libidinous, pornographic detail.272 The following is censored for this monograph. Full quotations appear in The Massachusetts News. "Fisting’s an experience of letting somebody into your body that you want to be that close and intimate with . . . [and] to put you into an exploratory mode."273

[Organized by] The Commission for Gay and Lesbian Youth, made up of homosexual activists from across the state, since 1992 the Commission has used the safe schools mantra and state money to persuade over 180 schools in Massachusetts to accept the [Gay- Straight Alliance (GSA)] clubs and their activities. Parents and others who offer any criticism of the programs are regularly accused of homophobia and endangering students’ safety.274

The information above became public only because a concerned parent took a hidden tape recorder into one of the meetings. After the parent circulated copies of the tape, homosexual organizations’ only response was to threaten to sue the parent for making the presentation public. Apparently they saw nothing wrong with teaching high school children how to do "fisting," while dismissing its psychopathology and ridiculing its obvious physical harms.

E. The Crafted Child

On the one hand, it has taken organizational commitment, planning, and effort to cultivate and initiate the current crop of bisexual and homosexual youth. However, on the other hand, homosexuality (bisexuality and transgendered sexuality) is the only extant sexuality cult receiving both tax dollars and direct access to school children, with laws protecting PROJECT 10 type teachers. The advisor, guide, teacher, or "helping hand" aids recruitment and limits potential escapees during all stages of initiation of children into homosexuality.275 Employing the language of religion and ritual, Professor Herdt says adult–led gay youth groups direct the "adolescent entry first into a self-affirming semi-secret group, then by collective socialization into a ‘gay’ cultural system . . . ."276

Men "seclude[] and protect[] the youths, furthering their initiation . . . which socializes them further into the cultural system of the gay community."277

These "advisors" are not the children’s parents and many, if not most, are on record as selfishly interested in "helping" these boys in the form of obtaining sexual favors and/or economic rewards.278 The massive boy prostitution industry, servicing a significant percentage of the affluent homosexual community, is prima facie organized by their elders.


A. Boy Prostitution

Investigative journalist Robin Lloyd documented the press suppression of homosexual abuse and murder of boys in his exposé of boy prostitution, For Money or Love: Boy Prostitution in America.279 "[S]ome New York City high schools students ran . . . prostitution rings280. . . . [S]treet pimps recruit[ed] and train[ed] [boy] runaways."281 "Boy prostitution . . . is now surfacing with the growing acceptance of homosexuality."282

Introducing Lloyd’s book, Senator Birch Bayh, former Chairman of the United States Senate Subcommittee to Investigate Juvenile Delinquency, confirmed that Lloyd’s data were "frightening in its accuracy."283 Bayh, a liberal Democrat, conceded that the massive child sexual abuse of boy prostitution was a "hitherto undiscussed facet of the homosexual world."284 Lloyd says: "Perhaps half of the million runaway boys in this country (aged ten to sixteen) are peddling their bodies to ‘chicken hawks’–older men who lust for ‘chicken [boys].’"285 He continues: "There are tightly run organizations . . . geared to provide wealthy clients with both pornography and boys. . . . [T]heir boys will entertain movie stars, prominent athletes politicians, and in some cases, heads of state."286

Lloyd’s observation that "[b]oy prostitutes in Times Square outnumber female hookers five to one"287 gives cause for pause. At one to two million "gay" men, under two percent of the ninety million over eighteen male population,288 500,000 yields one prostituted boy per two or three homosexual males (this does not include sex with non– prostituting boys). On point, Gene Abel’s data (documented earlier)289 of over 150 boy victims per pederast/pedophile offender support common experience. As noted, since males gain trusted access to gangs of boys more easily than they can gain access to gangs of girls, each bisexual and homosexual child predator can harm significantly more boys than can each heterosexual girl-seeking predator.290

B. Violence Against Children

As noted previously, The Advocate and other pro-gay publications have revealed substantially higher levels of violence among homosexual males (recall almost all Advocate readers admitted engaging in violent sex, sadism, “bondage and discipline” and use of painful objects).291 Thus, it is not unreasonable to ask whether these disproportionate levels of violence among homosexual adult males might suggest disproportionate levels of violence against children.

"In the U.S., one of the leading causes of death for juveniles is homicide. . . . [It is] the fourth leading cause of death for children ages one to four, third for ages five to fourteen and, second for ages fifteen to twenty-four."292 And much of that murder, according to law enforcement, is increasingly linked to sexual abuse. Although FBI profilers reported that eighty-one percent of America’s serial-rape murderers studied — heterosexual, homosexual, and bisexual — "put pornography at the top of the list of their primary sexual interest,"293 the FBI has not released its official statistics on the "orientation" of this growing cadre of largely pornographically-stimulated child rapist-murderers. Why not?

While Jeffrey Dahmer’s gruesome sexual abuse and cannibalization of seventeen boys,294 many of them runaways and boy "prostitutes" advertising in the homosexual press and picked up at homosexual bars is still fairly well known, scores of similar bi/homosexual rapist-boy killers are long forgotten. In the last decade, there have been several homosexual kidnap-rape-castrations of boys (beyond the Jesse Dirkhising and Jeffrey Curley rape, mutilation murders earlier cited),295 including at least one infamous kidnapping, rape, and decapitation in 1981 of little six-year-old Adam Walsh by Ottis Toole, joined later by his "partner," Henry Lee Lucus.296 Robin Lloyd provides a litany of police cases of boy sex murders. On point, one boy was "picked up by two men . . . and castrated . . . . Both men said they were homosexual. The older man worked as a counselor for The Helping Hands Community Center, a gay organization."297

In yet another homosexual-child murder, a man mortally stabbed a boy during sex; elsewhere, in a more common turn of events, a boy, apparently sodomized for years by "a former social worker," stabbed the elderly man to death.298 These news stories, however, are rarely covered by the establishment media. And, bearing in mind that older boys often initiate younger children into the affluent homosexual life of pornography and prostitution, Lloyd cites one gay youth who fatally stabbed a youngster for rebuffing "the elder’s sexual advance."299 Says Lloyd, "Stories of violence like these are commonplace" in the gay world.300 Perhaps so, but such stories are seldom reported to the public by the media.

C. The Latest DoJ Data on Boy Sexual Assault Victims

During the research on my U.S. Department of Justice (DoJ) study, Images of Children, Crime and Violence in Playboy, Penthouse and Hustler,301 this author was stunned to find no national sex assault data for victims under age twelve. Although a mass of anecdotal, testimonial information and small independent studies found a growing epidemic of child sexual abuse by adults and older children, the nation’s most vulnerable were "hidden victims" of our sexual revolution. A new DoJ study (below) finally identifies massive under-age-twelve child sex abuse, much of it committed against boys.

Figure 5: DOJ--64% Forcible Sodomy Victims Boys Under 18 Years- Old






Forced Sodomy

With Object

forcible sodomy 1forcible sodomy 263%                            64%

















Boys 0-5                   Boys 6-11                Boys 12-17

Source: U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics, Sexual Assault of Young Children as Reported to Law Enforcement, July 2000, NCJ 182990:4.

The data released July 2000 by a special National Incidence Based Reporting System (NIBRS), "Sexual Assault of Young Children as Reported to Law Enforcement," states that most sex crimes reported to police are committed against children under age eighteen.302 The under twelve year-old population has heretofore been systematically purged from all U.S. Department of Justice statistical collections on sex crimes. The NIBRS states:

Until recently . . . [t]he only existing national data collection effort that explored the incidence of sexual assault ignored crimes against young victims. The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) [reported rape] involving victims ages 12 or above . . . [ignoring largely child-related abuse] such as forcible sodomy, sexual assault with an object, and forcible fondling. 303

. . . .

[O]ver two-thirds (67%) of all victims of sexual assault reported to law enforcement agencies were juveniles (under the age of eighteen at the time of the crime) . . . . More than half of all juvenile victims were under age twelve. That is, 33% of all victims of sexual assault reported to law enforcement were ages twelve through seventeen and were under age 12.304

In each sexual assault category, except forcible rape, children below the age of twelve were about half of all victims.305

The report cites twenty-six percent of sex assault victims under twelve as boys,306 commonly sexually abused by men, sometimes with a female accomplice. The lowest of the three lines in the DoJ chart below graphically suggests roughly a sixteen percent female offender rate, a disturbing growth in sexually perverted women. The report also shows that women are twelve percent of the offenders of boys and girls under six years old.307 Older juveniles also sexually offend against boys and girls. "Based on the NIBRS data, the year in a male's life when he is most likely to be the victim of a sexual assault is age 4."308

"By age 17 his risk of victimization has been cut by a factor of 5 . . . . [U]nder age 12, [boys reported] sexual assault with an object (19%), forcible fondling (26%), and forcible sodomy (64%)."309 (See figure 5 above).

As shown above, sexual violence is well documented among adult bi/homosexual males, the primary offenders against the smallest of boys. It is only reasonable to ask if the same proclivity holds true for those homosexuals who use boy prostitutes. Nonetheless, any further research studies trying to quantify the anecdotal evidence would almost certainly be denied funding in today’s climate. At the least, such results would not likely see the light of day.

D. Image is Everything

Today’s NLGJA-influenced press almost certainly would have silenced the 1984 information released by The New York Times, "Officials Cite a Rise in Killers Who Roam U.S. for Victims."310 Alongside a profile of the male killers of women and girls, this in-depth article noted the high percentage of homosexuals among the offenders. The Times reported, "Many of the most violent recent multiple murders have been committed by homosexual males."311  Examples include John Wayne Gacy (sexual mutilation of thirty-three young boys), William Bonin and two male accomplices (torture of fourteen youth), Bruce Davis (twenty-eight men and boys), Dean Corill ("dozens" of male victims), Randy Steven Kraft (perhaps sixteen male victims), Charles Hatcher (sixteen men and boys), and Patrick Wayne Kearney (eighteen men and boys).312 At the time, FBI officials reported the homosexual killers were motivated "by a sense of shame after having sexual relations with their victims."313

Again, this is not an attempt to turn the "guilt by association" tactics of gay activists on them–it would be defamatory to imply that homosexuals in general are the moral equivalent of serial killers. Nonetheless, evidence strongly suggests that there is a disproportionately high rate of violent sex crimes among male homosexuals. Rather than debate and discuss the reasons for such a disparity, gay activists and the press seem more concerned about hiding any factual reports that might create a bad image. For example, Robin Lloyd cites the Houston mass murders of at least twenty-seven boys out of three hundred molested by "an unholy trio of [homosexual] sadists."314

Lloyd was concerned that press coverage of these rape-murders "would set the gay community back about ten years."315 Should that be the foremost concern? While the media constantly cite Kinsey’s fraudulent data ("ten percent" of the population is homosexual), the Houston murderers and other sadistic boy sex killings are steadfastly buried and thus forgotten.

The New York Times reports other nations that experienced bisexual and homosexual patterns of mass child rape-mutilation-murder in the 1990s. Jaded Iqbal raped and massacred over 100 young boys between the ages of ten and fifteen in Pakistan;316 a Columbian man raped and murdered at least 140 boys in Columbia;317 and a sadistic bisexual rapist-murderer killed "fifty-two boys, girls and young women" in Russia.318 Thomas Hamilton, a homosexual youth volunteer, shot and killed sixteen children in a Scottish kindergarten in 1996.319 Hamilton, said one of his charges, "always told us to take our tops off."320 He was having "problems trying to revive a boys club he ran after leaving the Boy Scouts,"321 just before he massacred the children.

Again, although the homosexual press often reports adult inter-gay murders, both they and the establishment press avoid covering homosexual assaults and murders of boys like Jesse Dirkhising and Jeffrey Curley. Short of murder, parents commonly don’t prosecute homosexual abusers, fearing the publicity,322 while police often finesse important or affluent predators out of town.323

Having obtained endorsements from leaders in the homosexual movement,324 Lloyd still exposes some homosexual child sex rings. Boise, Idaho, "sheltered a widespread homosexual underworld that . . . had preyed on hundreds of teen-age boys."325 A Wisconsin town quietly suppressed "a homosexual ring" of about thirty-five closeted men, including prestigious leaders such as a college dean, a hospital president, a Roman Catholic priest, several physicians, a man "hired to teach at a school for mentally retarded children," and others.326 The "homosexual ring . . . had [with liquor and pornography,] enticed and contaminated many small boys as young as eight years old" into sex.327 Investigator Clifford Lindecker confirms Lloyd’s findings of brutal but "respectable" pederasts fueling a flourishing traffic in boy prostitution.

Boy prostitution . . . is growing and becoming more obvious as homosexuals come out of the closets and form gay rights groups, and police power is watered down by court decisions friendlier to civil rights than to law enforcement and protection of the public . . . . [B]oys learn that they can earn good money doing something they and their friends have come to accept as normal behavior.328

After admitting "sex abuse in childhood as a cause of male prostitution has become almost conventional wisdom,"329 and that "the perpetrators are nearly always men,"330 homophile Donald West protests that while his study of male prostitutes found high rates of child sexual abuse, he felt there was also a high rate of consent.331 Addressing boy prostitution, West references Gay Search: "Gay Search . . . comments on the fact that children are often given presents after cooperating with an abuser and writes: ‘it is easy to see how being rewarded for sexual favours can lead . . . very naturally to prostitution . . . .’"332

Boyer has argued that the culture of gay bars and meeting places, often referred to as a sexual market place by its emphasis on casual encounters and sexual conquest, holds out to young gays the expectation of patronage by older males and presents prostitution as a more or less normal aspect of the gay scene.333

Lloyd reports yet another "gay" child pornography case where a group of boys seeking counseling from a junior high science teacher were recruited into sodomy and pornography.334 One Los Angeles school teacher and child pornographer brought "groups of boys aged seven through thirteen across the border every three months."335 And West confirms common knowledge of the brutality prevalent in both prostitution and homosexuality:

Many sexual assaults happening in later years were described during the interviews . . . . [Some victims were] forced by clients and their accomplices to submit to unwanted, painful or damaging sexual acts . .

. . [M]any men reported assaults in the course of sexual contacts unconnected with prostitution . . . . [T]he risk is to an extent inherent in some gay male lifestyles.336

Obscenity seduces and habituates even well educated men and women through the introduction of pornography in homes, in schools, and through library internet connections; vulnerable boys and girls are increasingly at risk from a growing molester constituency.337 In the last few years the Nobel Prize winner Dr. Carleton Gadjusek, American University President Dr. Richard Berendzen, and American University psychology department head Dr. Elliot McGinnies were convicted of pedophile-associated felonies, all while Kinseyan sex science leader Dr. John Money of Johns Hopkins was documented, like his mentor Dr. Kinsey, as a sadistic, pedophilic-oriented sexual psychopath.338 Higher education does not appear to restrain predatory pedophiles.


Lesbian activist Camille Paglia describes the tactics of modern gay rights activists as "Stalinist" in her book Vamps and Tramps.339 "I was the only openly gay person at the Yale Graduate School (1968-1972), a candor that was professionally costly. That anyone with my aggressive and scandalous history could be called ‘homophobic,’ as has repeatedly been done, shows just how insanely Stalinist gay activism has become."340

Actually, "Nazi" or "fascist" might also be accurate descriptions. In their disturbing book, The Pink Swastika: Homosexuality in the Nazi Party,341 Scott Lively and Kevin Abrams report on "the hidden central role of ‘gays’ in the rise of the Nazi Party and the administration of the Third Reich."342 While it is true that thousands of homosexuals, like thousands of other, quite average Germans, were targeted, tortured, and murdered by the Nazis, Lively and Abrams show that the persecution of homosexuals was actually the result of an intrafraternal battle between two schools of thought among homosexuals.

One faction followed [Karl Heinrich] Ulrich’s successor, Magnus Hirschfeld, who formed the Scientific Humanitarian Committee in 1897 and later opened the Institute for Sex Research in Berlin. The other faction was organized by Adolf Brand, publisher of the first homosexual magazine, Der Eigene (The Special). Brand, Benedict Friedlander and Wilhelm Janzen formed the Gemeinschaft der Eigenen (The Community of the Special) in 1902. What divided these groups was their concepts of masculinity. Ulrichs' theory embraced a feminine identity. His, and later Hirschfeld's, followers literally believed they were women trapped in men's bodies.343

. . . .

The followers of Brand, however, were deeply insulted by Ulrich’s theory. They perceived themselves not merely as masculine, but as a breed of men superior in masculine qualities even to heterosexuals. The Community of the Special (CS) asserted that male homosexuality was the foundation of all nation-states and that male homosexuals represented an elite strata of human society. The CS fashioned itself as a modern incarnation of the warrior cults of ancient Greece. Modeling themselves after the military heroes of Sparta, Thebes and Crete, the members of the CS were ultra-masculine, male-supremacist and pederastic (devoted to man/boy sex).344

One of the favorite meeting places of the Nazi Storm Troopers was a gay bar in Munich called "Bratwurstglockl," where Ehrnst Roehm kept a reserved table.345 The bar had been the site of early organizational meetings of the Nazi party.346 Heinrich Himmler reportedly complained of Hitler’s nepotism toward homosexuals. "Does it not constitute a danger to the Nazi movement . . . if it can be said that Nazi leaders are chosen for sexual reasons?" he asked.347

Beyond exploiting the Holocaust to establish homosexuals as "victims" in American eyes, one might reasonably ask why that relates to the present article. For the answer, one can turn to Paglia’s observations about the "Stalinist" tactics of some elements of the American gay rights movement. Neither the public nor the larger homosexual community is served when the press–establishment press and homosexual press alike– turn a blind eye to the growing excesses of gay activists. The following brief discussion of modern homosexual fascist tactics is offered as a context within which we may examine today’s activists. Lively and Abrams write the following:

ACT-UP was founded by Larry Kramer and approximately 300 other activists in March, 1987, in New York City; it soon spread across the nation (Alyson Almanac:42). Within a few months its members had gained national attention for their aggressive actions against those whom they considered enemies. ACT-UP groups invaded Catholic churches in New York during religious services, screaming obscenities and "stomping on communion wafers" (Miller:460) Catholic churches were also targeted in Washington, Los Angeles and Puerto Rico. Newspaper boxes were smashed in Sacramento to punish an editor for his views (Grant, 1993:104). One militant who later regretted his involvement was Washington, D.C. ACT-UP founder, Eric Pollard. The following is an excerpt from his 1992 letter to the Washington Blade entitled, "Time to give up fascist tactics:"348

This is very hard for me to write. It forces me to squarely confront my past actions and to accept responsibility for the damage I have had a part in causing. I sincerely apologize for my involvement in and my founding of the AIDS activist organization, ACT-UP D.C. I have helped to create a truly fascist organization . . . drawn largely from the voluminous Mein Kampf, which some of us studied as a working model.349

Lively and Abrams continue:

Within a few years of its founding, ACT-UP spawned the more radical Queer Nation. Miller writes that Queer Nation's "in your face" tactics antagonized some in the "gay" community. Randy Shilts [a prominent homosexual writer] called Queer Nationals "brownshirts" and "lavender fascists" (Miller:460). Queer Nation adopted highly militant rhetoric and openly threatened violence. Grant describes their tactics during an Oregon election campaign . . . in which voters considered a law to ban minority status based on homosexuality:

[F]lyers appeared on telephone poles warning people to vote against it. One showed the Christian ichthus fish being roasted on a stick over a fire. It read, YOU BURN US, WE BURN YOU . . . another said CIVIL RIGHTS or CIVIL WAR. Your choice for a limited time only . . . . It also clarified what it meant by "civil war" by listing "QUEER KNIVES, QUEER GUNS, QUEER BULLETS, QUEER MISSLES, QUEER TANKS, QUEER TRENCHES, QUEER FIRE, QUEER WARFARE, QUEER PATRIOTS. (Grant, 1993:1040).350


Both the reality of predatory gay "counselors" and the homosexual lust for "straight" boys and men, confirmed throughout the homosexual literature and in the Reisman and Johnson report,351 received a pithy corroboration from Paglia whose remarks, again ignored by the mainstream media, address the vulnerability of college youth. Instead, these lures are now commonly advanced to "questioning" children in junior high and high school inching down to elementary school with the notion of saying "yes" to bi/homosexuality. Paglia is remarkably candid about the homosexual need to recruit "straights."

Today, when a freshman has an affair with another girl, all the campus social-welfare machinery pushes her toward declaring herself gay and accepting and ‘celebrating’ it. This is a serious mistake . . . . [T]he campus counselors who encourage such premature conclusions should be condemned and banished. They are preying, for their own ideological purposes, on young people at their most vulnerable.352

And, she continues:

It’s ridiculous to assert that gay men are interested only in other gay men. . . . When I heard this on TV, I burst out laughing. . . . Sexual tension and appraisal are constants, above all among gay men, who never stop cruising everything in sight. Seduction of straight studs [especially boys] is a highly erotic motif in gay porn.353

This tactic is fully documented in the Reisman and Johnson report from which is taken from The Advocate article entitled "How to Seduce Straight Men," which opens as follows:

Who hasn’t dreamed of getting it on with a straight man? Their sleek, tanned bodes, yes, but also their unself-conscious sexuality . . . . Well, my friends, believe it or not, there are indeed ways to get that hunk. You have to be clever, ready to move at a moments notice, and prepared for scorn from straight and gay alike.354


Reisman and Johnson’s comparative analysis of Partner Solicitation Language as a Reflection of Male Sexual Orientation355 examined the claim that "gay men lead daily lives that are basically similar to those of heterosexual men."356

Again, this study analyzes Classified "In Search Of" (ISO) advertisements placed by largely liberal, affluent heterosexual males in the Washingtonian and homosexual males in The Advocate, to determine what each group of consumers sought in a partner. Our research team coded 2885 Washingtonian ISO ads and 7407 Advocate ISO ads in issues from 1988 to 1992 for the presence of expressed desires.357 The study, conducted by this author and statistician, Charles B. Johnson, Ph.D., sought to determine if these two male populations supported the increasingly popular view that "[t]he sex and love lives of most gay and straights today are both similar and conventional."358

"No," says former California Congressman William Danneymeyer, citing to Kinsey’s role in decriminalizing fornication, adultery, and sodomy as steps toward accommodating the homosexual lifestyle.359 He argued that society must be protected from what veteran homosexual activist Dennis Altman views positively as The Homosexualization ofAmerica.360

However, Reisman and Johnson document the sample of homosexual bachelors as wholly different in their partner seeking conduct from that of heterosexual bachelors. Below are five key findings about the partner interests of these affluent, activist, mainstream heterosexual and homosexual men.361

86% of Washingtonians versus 2% of Advocates sought/offered time commitment;

49% of Washingtonians versus 3% of Advocates sought/offered non-sexual interests;

5% of Washingtonians versus 63% of Advocates sought/offered prostitution;

0.41% of Washingtonians versus 25% of Advocates sought/offered sexual sadism;

0.45% of Washingtonians versus 15% of Advocates sought/offered teen sex. 362

On point, the Reisman and Johnson report also documents also a systematic use of "sexy" boys as film themes–such as advertised in the July 8, 1986 Advocate--and continuing in the "coming out" films which may be said to dominate "gay" cinema, dramatizing boys as sexual objects for men. This sexual focus on boys is seen in the 15 percent of Advocate ads still blatantly seeking young boys compared to 0.45 percent of Washingtonians seeking young girls.

These findings show dramatic "orientation" differences on all critical variables which are not statistically attributable to chance, and all of which report, statistically, a homosexual lifestyle of compulsive and sadistic promiscuity, disinclined to commitment and inclined to prostitution and the sexual abuse of minors. In fact, Kirk and Madsen confessed, "There is more promiscuity among gays (or at least among gay men) than among straights."363 Moreover, despite their heavy focus on finding sex partners, The Advocate carried no major condom advertisements nor did their "In Search Of" (ISO) advertisers express any condom requirements for sexual partners.


Justification for teaching children about sex acts is based on the unverified claim that children are sexual from birth and that juveniles are not able to be self governing because hormones are "raging" leading most youths, naturally, to sexual activity and AIDS. This requires, argue the sex "experts," graphic sex instruction from older, allegedly wiser teachers or "guides" on sexual techniques and related issues. Moreover, the excuse for explicit school sex demonstrations and distribution of condoms has been "to inform" school children of the condom’s "safe sex” properties if used properly (now established as a false assumption). Ironically though, homosexual activists have systematically purged major condom ads from their own periodicals. It is not a coincidence that since the teaching of Kinseyan promiscuity began, and traditional American sexual reticence was abandoned, sexual disease, despair, violence and dysfunction are rampant and show no signs of abating.

The public should be aware that increasing children's promiscuity advances the interests of sexual predators and of the booming pornography/prostitution sex industry. Adult society is responsible for being sufficiently mature to protect our young. Our individual and societal self indulgence and failure to protect is therefore painfully visible everywhere. No blame is due any child in this tragic process. The "coaches," guilty of promoting alleged "consensual" child abuse, should be located, arrested for contributing to the delinquency of minors and prosecuted to the full limit of tough pre-Kinsey laws.

James Madison wrote in 1832 that "[a] popular Government, without popular information, or the means of acquiring it, is but a Prologue to a Farce or a Tragedy; or perhaps both."364 The managed media and academic control over information on homosexuality qualify indeed for creating a modern American Tragedy.


1. The Stonewall Rebellion, June 1969.

Harvard-educated homosexual icon, Toby Marotta describes Stonewall as a "Mafia-controlled," "dimly lit dance bar" catering to "dope-smokers," "acid-heads," "speed freaks" and "street queens."365 A photograph from the homosexual magazine, 10 Percent, (June 1994, p.46), of the Stonewall Clientele portrays teenage boy "street queens" (prostitutes) proudly posing outside the bar where the celebrated riots took place. The pederast patrons, who along with a number of transvestites (not shown in photograph) were the subjects of the police raid.

The photograph of Stonewall druggies and bar boys (of whom one of the few Stonewall women "regulars" at the bar noted, "A lot of the kids called me ‘Mommie’" at 50), identifies that the sacramental treatment of those engaged in the Stonewall Riots is misplaced.

An extensive collection of images of boys as sexual objects in The Advocate, the mainstream, upscale homosexual publication, are available in the author’s archive.


The following study, taken from the Reisman & Johnson report, reflects the number of pederast images in The Advocate in the five years leading up to 1992.

systemic sexialisation

Figure 6: Systemic Sexualization of Boys in THE ADVOCATE366





267 Boy Images Averaging 26.7 Per Issue

(97% Sexual, 3% Non Sexual)










Jan '88 Dec '88 Jan '89 Nov '89 Apr '90 Oct '90 May '91 Sep '91 Mar '92 Jun '92





1    Aleksander Solzhenitsyn, Harvard University Commencement Address, reprinted in NAT’L REV., July 7, 1978, at 838.


3    Solzhenitsyn, supra note 1.

4    KOTLER, supra note 2, at 345.


6    See infra Appendix A.

7    For an extensive discussion on "gay" media bias see Charles W. Socarides, Thought Reform and the Psychology of Homosexual Advocacy, in COLLECTED PAPERS FROM THE NARTH ANNUAL CONFERENCE (1995), available at http://www.leaderu.com/orgs/narth/1995papers/socarides.html.

8    National  Lesbian  &  Gay  Journalists  Association,  NLJA  Mission,  at www.nlgja.org (last visited Apr. 2, 2002).

9    Peter LaBarbera, Dirkhising Bondage/Torture Like Those in Homosexual Safe Sadistic Publications, 7 LAMBDA REP. ON HOMOSEXUALITY 1, 1-2 (Feb. 2000).

10    Joseph Farah, Activists in the Newsroom, World Net Daily, Aug. 9, 2000, at http://wwww.worldnetdaily.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=15022.

11    Id.

12    Joseph Farah, Activist-journalists Out of the Closet, WORLD NET DAILY, Sep. 13, 2000, at http://www.worldnetdaily.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=15046.

13    See David M. Fergusson et al., Is Sexual Orientation Related to Mental Health Problems and Suicidality in Young People?, 56 ARCHIVES GEN. PSYCHIATRY 876 (1999); Richard Herrell et al., Sexual Orientation and Suicidality: Co-twin Control Study in Adult Men, 56 ARCHIVES GEN. PSYCHIATRY 867 (1999).

14    George Rekers, Gender Identity Disorder, 1 J. HUM. SEXUALITY 16 (1996), available at http://www.leaderu.com/softcopy/jhs/rekers.pdf (last visited Apr. 2, 2002).

15    See KATHRYN C. MONTGOMERY, TARGET: PRIME TIME, ADVOCACY GROUPS AND THE STRUGGLE OVER ENTERTAINMENT TELEVISION (1989). In Chapter Five: Invisibility and Influence, Montgomery  documents the role of the "Gay Activist Alliance,"  later the "National Gay Task Force" with its offshoot the "Gay Media Task Force," in massive lobbying, engaging in sit-down strikes in offices and otherwise influencing both the press and the entertainment media, "sensitizing network decision makers to the nuances of behavior of which gays approved or disapproved." Id. at 88. "Activist leaders used the mainstream press to publicize their campaign and to generate support from people outside the gay community." Id. at 82. "[T]he National Gay Task Force regularly provided media decision makers with statistics and research to dispel commonly held myths about homosexuality . . . helping the networks in their own self-censorship process . . . enhanced and supported by the infrastructure of gays working in the industry." Id. at 87.

16    Farah, supra note 12.



18    Id. at xxiv-xxvii.

19    Id. "Based on their personal experience, most straights probably would put the gay population at 1% or 2%," but when asked, people respond with the "‘10% gay’ statistic which our propagandists have been drilling into their heads for years." Id. at 15. See also summary, id. at 14-16.

20    Id. at xxv. These concepts are put into practice in the model advertisements displayed and evaluated in id. at 213-45.

21    Id. at 216-45.

22    Id. at 121-27.

23    Id. at 147-56, 175-77.

24    Id. at 148.

25    KIRK & MADSEN, supra note 17; recommended a sample advertisement at 220.

26    Id. at 151-52.


28    KIRK & MADSEN, supra note 17, at xxv.

29    Id.

30    Id. at 171 (emphasis added).

31    Id. at 172-73 (emphasis added).

32    Id. at 154. (emphasis added).

33    Id. at 178.

34    Id. at 149-50.

35    Id. at 183-87. It is most important to "Portray Gays as Victims of Circumstance & Oppression." Id. at 183-89; e.g. sample "gay" ads as "humorous and striking" id. at 216-17; "humourous entertainment" id. at 236-37; "humorous approach" id. 238-39; "amusing and involving" id. at 242-43.

36    Id. The goals outlined by Kirk and Madsen to fit in until the culture can be changed; "you get your foot in the door, by being as similar as possible" and then to change the society. Id. at 146. Also, "talk about gayness  until the issue becomes  thoroughly tiresome. . . . First, gays can use talk to muddy the waters," to "undermine" the views of the public on homosexuality. Id. at 179 (emphasis added).  "In the early stages of the campaign, the public should not be shocked and repelled by premature exposure to homosexual behavior itself. Instead, the imagery of sex per se should be downplayed, and the issue of gay rights reduced, as far as possible, to an abstract social question." Id. at 178.

37    Id. at 308. Perhaps the most malignant form of gay misbehavior is public sex. . . . It wasn’t terribly long after arriving at Harvard that we became aware of some pretty blatant cavorting about in almost every one of the university’s larger general-access men’s rooms. . . . It took us some time to realize just what the cavorting was all about."

Id.  The authors go into some rather intimate detail about the sexual drawings and writings on the bathroom walls and the notes proffered to them beneath the interstall partition. However, notes were left by irate students,

‘Why can’t a Harvard boy go to the john in this dump without being groped by a seedy queer!?’ . . . [Soon] the doors disappeared from every toilet stall in the main Harvard Science Center men’s room and uniformed policemen were periodically observed patrolling the premises for perverts.

Id. at 309.

With apologies from this author for the graphic nature of the following, Kirk & Madsen, note that sex in public toilets isn’t at all uncommon . . . in the men’s rooms of Ivy League Colleges, and in the public lavatories, parks, and  alleyways of every manor city in the United States. Theirs is the wretchedest of all gay excesses . . . . They masturbate in the urinals, wander totally naked up and down the length of the facility, and fellate one another in acrobatic positions in the open doorways of the stall. When they ejaculate—and they do—on the seats, walls, or floors, they leave it there to congeal into a nasty, highly identifiable puddle. . . ."

Id. at 309-310

The damage is redoubled when such creatures solicit straight boys—a prime example of the gay tendency to "live down to the stereotype. . . .[I]t makes apparent liars out of gays who protest that their sexual activities occur only in private and between consenting adults, and are therefore of no legitimate interest to the straight community or its legislative apparatus. . . . And we emphasize, such behavior isn’t at all uncommon."

Id. at 310-11 (emphasis added).

Kirk & Madsen pinpoint a "not uncommon" public sex crime. A friend of theirs gleefully detailed how he attained an orgasm by pushing into a terrified "thirteen-year-old boy" trapped "in a crowded rock concert." Kirk & Madsen explain, "[t]his is not good public relations." Id. at 311.

38    Id. at 146.

39    Id.

40    SEVENTEEN MAGAZINE, May 2000, at 214.

41    Id.


43    Id. at 276.

44    Study Says Gay Abuse Reports Rise 67 Percent, ASSOC. PRESS, Oct. 7, 1998.

45    Anne Seymour et al., Hate and Bias Crimes, in NAT’L VICTIM ASSISTANCE ACAD. (Anne Seymour et al. eds., 2000) at http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ovc/assist/nvaa2000/academy/ (last updated Jun. 5, 2001) (funding for this project was provided by the United States Department of Justice). In Chapter 22 Special Topics Section 1, Hate and Bias Crime Abstract, of the 8049 hate crime incidents reported, 1102 were for "sexual orientation bias." Id. As in the year 2000, the largest category of bias crime alleged, "intimidation," does not involve physical touching or battery. Id.

46    ISLAND & LETELLIER, supra note 42, at 12.

47    Id. at 50.

48    Id. at 16. As a side bar, it is striking that violence to boy children by trusted adult males is also a common theme in homosexual and "heterosexual" pornography. In the latter, young girls are seduced and graphically raped but rarely illustrated as stabbed, killed or cannibalized (unless in a scene with a boy). For example, one Playboy cartoon has Santa, having just eaten a little lad, tell his elf, "Bring in another!" PLAYBOY, Jan. 1977, at 221. A Penthouse cartoon depicts Santa having blown apart a small boy’s brain with the caption, "That’ll teach you to be a good boy." PENTHOUSE, Dec. 1977, at 208. In another Penthouse cartoon a Victorian family at the dinner table prepares to eat a headless, naked, cooked boy as father says, "And God bless Tiny Tim" (Tim’s crutch has been laid aside forever). PENTHOUSE, Dec. 1988, at 210.

49    U.S. DEP’T OF JUSTICE, NATIONAL CRIME VICTIMIZATION SURVEY: INJURIES FROM VIOLENT CRIME 1992-98 at 1 (2001) ("on average each year more than 21,000 people were murdered, 1992-98").

50    Seymour et al., supra note 45.

51    ISLAND & LETELLIER, supra note 42, at 10.

52    Id. at 24.

53    Janet Lever, The 1994 Advocate Survey of Sexuality and Relationships: The Men: Sexual Revelations, THE ADVOCATE, Aug. 23, 1994, at 21.

54    REISMAN, supra note 27. On the one hand, "hate crimes" against homosexuals, such as a physical assault are statistically meager. On the other hand, the most statistically significant "hate crimes" against homosexuals, as Island and Letellier document in Men Who Beat the Men Who Love Them, are inflicted on male homosexual victims by male homosexual predators. ISLAND & LETTELIER, supra note 42.

The United States Department of Justice, Criminal Victimization 2000 finds 14,700 male victims of "Rape or sexual assault." DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, NATIONAL CRIME VICTIMIZATION SURVEY: CHANGES 1999-2000 WITH TRENDS 1993-2000, at 8 (2001). The data citing 14,700 male "rape" victims identify no males reporting their forcible sodomization-rape as a "hate crime." Id. Roughly 14,700 males (commonly young boys) were sodomized (while sodomy is perhaps an equally vile crime, I confine "rape" to its traditional definition of penetration of the  female) during 1999-2000. Therefore, these 14,700 males were largely victims of bi/homosexual assault.

Assuming the accuracy of the now discredited Kinseyan 10% homosexual figure, Island and Letellier estimate "500,000 gay male victims [of "domestic" violence] each year." ISLAND & LETTELIER, supra note 42, at 13. The figures proposed by Island and Letellier and the Lloyd and West data documenting the sexual violence common to 300,000 to 600,000 boy prostitutes (addressed further herein) suggest that the 14,700 "rape" figure from the Department of Justice is a modest estimate of the current problem of bi/homosexual sexual violence.

55    ISLAND & LETELLIER, supra note 42, at 8-9.

56    ROGER J. MAGNUSON, ARE "GAY RIGHTS" RIGHT?: HOMOSEXUALITY AND THE LAW 23 (1985) (citing Coroner Battles Sado-masochistic Injuries, ASSOC. PRESS, Mar. 12, 1981).

57    JUDITH REISMAN & CHARLES JOHNSON, PARTNER SOLICITATION AS A REFLECTION OF MALE SEXUAL ORIENTATION (1991). Included in that report are three studies, reported in GAY RELATIONSHIPS (John DeCecco ed. 1988) by homophile researchers. The report examined sadism among homosexuals, among other behaviors; Lumby, id. at 61-72, Laner & Kamel, id. at 73-90, and Lee, id. at 11-32.   These independent, homosexually positive studies confirmed the Reisman & Johnson findings of statistically significant rates of homosexual sadism, public sex, desires for young sex partners, promiscuity and the like.

58    Matthew Shepard’s Mudbath Memorial, MEDIA WATCH (Media Research Center), Nov. 2, 1998, available at http://www.mediaresearch.org/news/mediawatch/1998/mw19981102rev.html (last visited Apr. 13, 2002).

59    Id. (quoting Today (NBC television broadcast, Oct. 12, 1998)).

60    L. Brent Bozell, III, The Gay Left’s Willing Mud-Slingers, Oct. 15, 1998, available at http://www.mediaresearch.org/columns/news/col19981015.html.

61    Id.

62    Press Release, Media Research Center, Oct.. 26, 1998, Reaction from Brent Bozell to the Media’s Double Standard in Coverage of Violent Hate Crimes (Oct. 26, 1998), available at http://www.mediaresearch.org/press/news/pr19981026.html.

63    Kirk & Madsen, supra note 17. See especially the advertisement proposed with a photograph of Adolph Hitler which reads "Madman. Murder. Homophobe," repeating a series of lies. Id. at 220-21. Kirk and Madson acknowledge that they know they lie about Hitler’s alleged assault on homosexuals, but do so for an ethical cause. (A recent book by historian LOTHAR MACHTAN, THE HIDDEN HITLER (2001); documents Hitler’s own long suspected homosexuality.) Id. (emphasis added). They conclude that "Today, Gays Are Still Targets . . . By Attackers Who Feel No Shame." The "strategy" cited is "[j]am homohatred by linking it to Nazi horror. Make victimizers look bad, while helping straights to see gays as victims and feel protective toward them." Id.

64    See supra text accompanying note 48.

65    Linda Bowles, Unmasking Media Wrongs, WORLD NET DAILY, Apr. 3, 2001 athttp://www.worldnetdaily.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=22274 (last visited Apr. 13, 2002).

66    Peter LaBarbera, supra note 9, at 1-2.

67    Mac Daniel, Curley Lawsuit to Drop Internet Service Provider, BOSTON GLOBE, May 18, 2000, at B7.

68    Sarah Wildman, Coming Out Early, THE ADVOCATE, Oct. 10, 2000, at 39 (emphasis added).

69    Id. at 61.

70    Id.

71    Id. at 67.

72    LONG ROAD TO FREEDOM, supra note 5, at xix.

73    Id.

74    Id.

75    See JUDITH REISMAN, IMAGES OF CHILDREN, CRIME AND VIOLENCE IN PLAYBOY, PENTHOUSE, AND HUSTLER: THE ROLE OF PORNOGRAPHY AND MEDIA VIOLENCE IN FAMILY VIOLENCE, SEXUAL ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION, AND JUVENILE DELINQUENCY (1989) (Grant No. 84-JN-AX-K007, U.S. Department of Justice, Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention  Division). This author directed a two-year content analysis of images of children and crime and violence in Playboy, Penthouse, and Hustler from the years 1953 to 1984. The study documented that, for example, each issue of Playboy averaged 8 images of children and pseudo-children alongside twenty-one images of crime and violence. Moreover, almost all child photographs were sexually explicit and most cartooned children were sexually violated.



78    RODGERS, supra note 76, at 90.

79    Advertisement in ADVOCATE, Aug. 13, 1975, at 26.

80    See supra text accompanying note 38.

81    David Fergusson et al., Is Sexual Orientation Related to Mental Health Problems and Suicidality in Young People?, 10 ARCHIVES GEN. PSYCHIATRY 876-80 (1999); Richard Herrell et al., A Co-twin Control Study in Adult Men, 10 ARCHIVES GEN. PSYCHIATRY 866, 867-74 (1999).

82    ISLAND & LETELLIER, supra note 42, at 10.

83    Kenneth V. Lanning & Anne W. Burgess, Child Pornography and Sex Rings, FBI LAW ENFORCEMENT BULL., Jan. 1984, at 10.

84    JUDITH A. REISMAN & CHARLES B. JOHNSON, PARTNER SOLICITATION LANGUAGE AS A REFLECTION OF MALE SEXUAL ORIENTATION: THE BRIEFING BOOK 38 (1995). A comparison of demographics of the subscribers of The Washingtonian and The Advocate find these two male populations a "fit" –except—for sexual orientation. For example, both subscriber incomes were roughly 50% above national average, 70% of the subscribers were college graduates, both traveled abroad, etc. Id.

85    ADVOCATE, November 7, 2000 (cover story).

86    REISMAN & JOHNSON, supra note 84.

87    Id. at 32.

88    Id. at A8.

89    Id.


91    Lever, supra note 53, at 20.



94    Gene Abel et al., Self-reported Sex Crimes of Nonincarcerated Paraphiliacs, 2 J. INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE 3, 5-25 (1987).

95    Id. at 19.

96    Id.

97    Id. at 5-25.

98    REISMAN & JOHNSON, supra note 84, at 56-60.

99    Abel et al., supra note 94, at 5-25.


101    JAY & YOUNG, supra note 92.

102    JAY & YOUNG, supra note 100, at 338, 365.

103    JAY & YOUNG, supra note 92, at 275.

104    See supra text accompanying note 91.

105    William Holmes & Gail Slap, Sexual Abuse of Boys, 280 J. AM. MED. ASS’N 1855 (1998). "Sexual abuse of boys appears to be common." Id. at 1855. "Abused adolescents, particulary those victimized by males, were up to 7 times more likely to self-identify as gay or bisexual than peers who had not been abused," id. at 1859, and "the rate of attempted suicide was 1.5 to 14 times higher among sexually abused compared with non-abused males." Id. at 1859. In one study of male college students, prevalence was directly related to abuse definitions. Prevalence was 22% when either a greater age differential or coercion was required." Id. at 1857.

Prevent Child Abuse America reports that while assessments vary, "[e]stimates suggest that males account for 25-35% of child sexual abuse victims," and "[s]exual abusers of boys tend to be males…known by the victim, but unrelated to the victim." Nancy Peddle & Ching-Tung Wang, Current Trends in Child Abuse Prevention, Reporting and Fatalities: The 1999 Fifty State Survey (National Center on Child Abuse Prevention Research, Chicago, IL 2001), available at http://www.preventchildabuse.org/learn_more/research_docs/1999_50_survey.pdf (last visited Apr. 4, 2002).

A study of 93 sexually abused boys revealed that "6 years after contact with their abuser three times as many [of the boys] . . . had psychological or unexplained health problems that lasted more than one year. Problems included . . . depression, anxiety, or substance abuse. . . and suicide." Alison McCook, Childhood Sex Abuse Can Have Long- lasting Effects, 86 ARCH. DISEASE IN CHILDHOOD 164 (2002).


107    L. W. Johnsen & L. L. Harlow, Childhood Sexual Abuse Linked with Adult Substance Use, Victimization, and AIDS Risk, in 8 AIDS EDUC. AND PREVENTION 44 (1996) (approximately 25 percent of adult women and 16 percent of adult men report childhood victimization). See, e.g., D. Finkelhor et al., Sexual Abuse in a National Survey of Adult Men and Women: Prevalence, Characteristics and Risk Factors, in CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT 14, 19-28 (1990); D. Russell, The Incidence and Prevalence of Intrafamilial and Extrafamilial Sexual Abuse of Female Children, in CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT 7, 133-146 (1983); D. RUSSELL, THE SECRET TRAUMA: INCEST IN THE LIVES OF GIRLS AND WOMEN (1986); S.M. Murphy et al., Current Psychological Functioning of Child Sexual Assault Survivors, 3 J. INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE 55-79 (1988). Prevent Child Abuse America: Research Center, Sexual Abuse of Boys (National Center on Child Abuse Prevention Research, Chicago, IL) 2, available at http://www.preventchildabuse.org/learn_more/research_docs/sexual_abuse_of_boys.pdf (last visited Apr. 4, 2002) ("approximately one in six boys is sexually abused before age 16.") The Advocate reports "over one in five (21%) of the men [questionnaire respondents] say they were abused by an adult before age 15." Lever, supra note 53, at 20.

108    REISMAN & JOHNSON, supra note 84 at A-9.

109    Robert Knight, Sexual Disorientation: Faulty Research in the Homosexual Debate, FAMILY POLICY (Family Research Council, Washington, DC.), June 1992, at 2.

110    Unless one condemns all homosexual males as pederasts (homosexual pedophiles) which is wholly unreasonable, these data suggest a homosexual subculture that is indeed vast and predatory.

111    STATISTICAL ABSTRACT, supra note 106. U.S. Population data on boys and girls according to government statistics are 33,378,000 boys and 31,767,000 girls under age 18. Id.

112    Id.

113    Id.

114    Id.


116    Id.

117    Stephen O. Murray, Components of Gay Community in San Francisco, in GAY CULTURE IN AMERICA 143 n.63 (Gilbert Herdt ed., 1992) (citing Harry W. Haverkos et al., Initiation of Male Homosexual Behavior, 262 J. AM. MED. ASS’N 501 (1989)).

118    Id.

119    Lever, supra note 53, at 20.

120    Victoria A. Brownworth, America’s Worst-Kept Secret: AIDS is Devastating the Nation’s Teeangers, and Gay Kids are Dying by the Thousands, THE ADVOCATE, Mar. 24, 1992, at 40-41.

121    he New Face of AIDS, LOUISVILLE ECCENTRIC OBSERVER, May 17, 2000, at 15.

122    Id.


124    Rekers, supra note 14. Rekers concludes, "It remains to be seen if the mental health professions will be able to readdress the issue of homosexuality from a logical and scientific perspective in the near future . . . . The use (or abuse) of research may continue to be influenced by ideological factors in American culture." Id.

125    Id.

126    Laura T. Gutman et al., Human Immunodeficiency Virus Transmission by ChildSexual Abuse, 145 AM. J. DISEASES OF CHILD 137, 138 (1991).

127    Id.

128    TENNESSEE STATE DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION, LIFETIME WELLNESS CURRICULUM FRAMEWORK, LIFETIME WELLNESS RESOURCE MANUAL (1994-95) (recommending "The World AIDS Day" brochure in Section IV as "Resources" to be taught to Tennessee teachers as a sex education curricula from Aug. 1, 1994 to Mar. 1995) (on file with author).

131    Gilbert Herdt, ‘Coming Out’ as a Rite of Passage, in GAY CULTURE IN AMERICA, supra note 117, at 41. "For the first time, an institutionalized process of initiating and socializing youths [into the homosexual movement] emerged." Id. at 34.

132    Brownworth, supra note 120, at 40-41.

133    DAY, supra note 123, at 5.

134    Id. at 63.

135    Id. at 65 (quoting DALLAS GAY NEWS, May 20, 1983).

136    Id. at 84 (citing L.A. TIMES, Apr. 25, 1990).

137    STANLEY MONTEITH, AIDS: THE UNNECESSARY EPIDEMIC (1991) (quoting the inside cover page).


139 Id.

140    TOBY MAROTTA, THE POLITICS OF HOMOSEXUALITY (1981) (quoting the inside cover page).

141    Id. at 137, 151.

142    Id. at 319.

143    See Ray Johnson, American Psychology: The Political Science, in COLLECTED PAPERS FROM THE NARTH ANNUAL CONFERENCE 53-57 (1995). Additional support can be found in NARTH Bulletins: Apr. 1995, Vol. III, Number 1, at 1, 3-5, 9, 6; Sept. 1994, Vol. II, Number 2, at 8; July 1993, Vol. I, Number 3, at 1, 2, 4; Sept. 1995, Vol. III, Number 2, at 14, 27-35; Dec. 1998, Vol. VI, Number 3, at 5, 8, 12-13.

144    BETTY BERZON, PERMANENT PARTNERS ix (1988) (quoting Kate Millet, Address to the Gay Academic Union of Los Angeles, CA (Nov. 1978)).

145    Id.

146    Mark Blasius, Sexual Revolution and the Liberation of Children: An Interview With Kate Millett, PAIDIKA: J. PAEDOPHILA, Winter 1992, at 83-85.


148    Id. at 79.

149    See MONTEITH, supra note 137.

Even the President of the Untied States, Ronald Reagan, was unable to influence public health policies in this nation during his tenure in office. . . . Directives which were sent from the White House to public health agencies were ignored . . . . C. Everett Koop, and others, [countered to] local authorities that they should not carry out the President’s recommendation.

Id. at 15.

150    Those engaged in highly promiscuous sexual conduct are found to have a high propensity for drug and alcohol use, as well as early sexual abuse. As noted in our cites on THE ADVOCATE self-reports, 21% of their respondents admitted to sex abuse by age 15. See supra note 85 and accompanying text. Moreover, Island & Letellier report their findings, that: "[O]nly substance abuse and AIDS adversely affect more gay men, making domestic violence the third largest health problem facing gay men today." ISLAND & LETELLIER, supra note 42, at 1. These behaviors are regularly identified in the professional literature, see, e.g., JEFFREY SATINOVER, HOMOSEXUALITY AND THE POLITICS OF TRUTH 44, 97, 105, 106-108 (1996), as reflecting early childhood trauma. Satinover notes the homosexual effort to deny such etimology, seen in the 126 detailed questions asked of lesbians and "gay" men, including self image and types of and location of sex practices and the like by Jay and Young, in The Gay Report, supra note 92. Jay and Young, (like Gagnon directed) ten years later, the authors avoided any questions that might reveal early sexual or other kinds of trauma as causative in the homosexual respondent’s conduct. Id.

Holmes and Slap provide further data on the comparatively high rates of dysfunction among homosexualized boys including suicidal ideation, drugs, crimes, sexual and other disorders. W.C. Holmes & G.B. Slap, Sexual Abuse of Boys: Definition, Prevalence, Correlates, Sequlae, and Management, 280 J. AM. MED. ASS’N 1855, 1858-59 (1998).

151    John Gagnon, Science and the Politics of Pathology, 23 J. SEX RES. 120, 122-23 (1987).

152    PROJECT 10, organized by an "out" lesbian, Virginia Uribe, at Fairfax High School, was the first school organization openly allowed to use the school to seek alleged "gay" as well as bisexual or otherwise sexually confused youth. Kinsey’s false data claiming 10% of men are homosexual were employed to help direct children to gay activist organizations for homosexual "counseling." PFLAG AND GLBT and other organizations actively seek out youths in schools nationwide to bring into the homosexual movement under cover of "saving" children from suicide due to their alleged sexual orientation.

153    KOTLER, Supra note 2. Kotler cites how 2.5% sway roughly 13% of the public early on who later move another 34% and so on, until a majority accept and adapt to the proffered product or idea. Id.


155    Liz Smith, Wishing and Hoping, N.Y. POST (Sept. 14, 2000), available athttp://www.geocities.com/lmwong1977/marknews15.html

156    Rachel Maines, Rebel With A Cause, N.Y. TIMES BOOK REV., Apr. 23, 2000 at 16.

157    Scott McLemee, The Man Who Took Sex Out of the Closet, SALON (Nov. 5, 1997) at http://www.salon.com/books/feature/1997/11/cov_05kinsey.html.

158    North American Man/Boy Love Association, The Case for Abolishing Age Consent Laws, in THE AGE TABOO: GAY MALE SEXUALITY, POWER AND CONSENT 96 (Daniel Tsang ed., 1981).

159    Id.



162    REISMAN, supra note 27, at 40-43.

163    Id.

164    See id., especially Chapters 3, 5 and 6.

165    See id. at 87-105, especially Chapter 5, "Eliminating Fathers."

166    PAGLIA, supra note 147, at 74.


168    JONES, supra note 167, at 760-73.

169    SECRETS: KINSEY’S PEDOPHILES, (England’s Yorkshire television broadcast June 17, 1998) (interviewing Jonathan Gathorne-Hardy, Kinsey biographer) (on file with author).

170    JONES, supra note 167, at 739.

171    REISMAN, supra note 27, at 140.

172    Id. at Chapter 7.

173    KINSEY, supra note 160, at 181.

174    REISMAN, supra note 27, at 149.

175    See, e.g., id. at 1-322.

176    Id. at 60.

177    Id. at 54.

178    Id. at 104.

179    KINSEY, supra note 161, at 53; REISMAN, supra note 27, at 114.

180    KINSEY, supra note 160, at 161.

181    Biography (Arts and Entertainment Network broadcast Aug. 14, 1996) (interviewing Gore Vidal in a video documentary originally produced by the BBC about Alfred C. Kinsley entitled "Reputations").

182    LONG ROAD TO FREEDOM, supra note 5, at 102 ("To gay people, Kinsley’s work is especially meaningful, because it marked the virtual beginning of sympathetic and scientifically accurate study  of homosexuality."). Kinsey’s scientific credibility is reinterated in the current "homosexuality" section of Encarta, written by John Gagnon.


184    Id. at 571-72.

185    REISMAN, supra note 27, at ii.

186    Id. at 204-211 (listing law review articles that have utilized Kinsey’s work from 1982-1987).

187    Id. at 203-04.

188    Id. at 41.

189    Id.

190    Id., at 81-88. See also SECRETS: KINSEY’S PEDOPHILES, supra note 169; Videotape: The Children of Table 34 (Family Research Council 1995) (on file with author).

191    Kinsey and team members fit the classic definition of "sexual psychopath: an individual whose sexual behavior is manifestly anti-social and criminal." DORLAND’S MEDICAL DICTIONARY 1091 (1981).

192    18 U.S.C.A. § 2421 (West 2001).

193    JUDITH REISMAN, "SOFT PORN" PLAYS HARDBALL (1991) (especially chapters 6 and 9). See also Biography, supra note 181.

194    See id., especially chapters 10, 11 and 12.

195    Id. at 36-37.


197    ALYSON ALMANAC, supra note 90, at 24, 152. See also TIMMONS, supra note 196.

198    See REISMAN, supra note 27, at chapter 8.

199    David Allyn, Private Acts/Public Policy: Alfred Kinsey, the American Law Institute and the Privatization of American Sexual Morality, 30 J. AM. STUD. 405, 406-07 (1996). REISMAN, supra note 27, at 241.

200    Interview: John Money, PAIDIKA: J. PAEDOPHILA, Spring 1991, at 7.

201    Dan J. Stein & Donald W. Black, The Epidemiology, Psychopharmacology, and Neurobiology of Compulsive Sexual Behavior, 5 CNS SPECTRUMS 1, 18 (2000).

202    Id. See also DONALD BLACK, The Epidemiology and Phenomenology of Compulsive Sexual Behavior, 5 CNS SPECTRUMS 26 (2000), available at http://qube.oldsaclaw.com/~svp/CBSEpidemologyBlack00.pdf (last visited Apr. 4, 2002) who cites to the Kinsey "data" on total sexual outlet (TSO), using these "data" as the touchstone for normal sexual conduct. Kinsey et al, who developed the concept of TSO, reported that the median (TSO) was 2.14 for men from adolescence through age 30 years, and 1.99 for all men. TSO means how much one masturbates, has intercourse with men, women, children, objects or animals. Kinsey would add up all one’s orgasms and the higher the number the healthier the person. (Many child molesters would have a very high "healthy" TSO.)

203    See Biography, supra note 181; SECRETS: KINSEY’S PEDOPHILES, supra note 169.

204    Herdt, supra note 131, at 39-44.

205    Id. at 47-50.

206    Id. at 48 (emphasis added).

207    Frederick Lynch, Nonghetto Gays: An Ethnography of Suburban Homosexuals, in GAY CULTURE IN AMERICA, supra note 117, at 175.

208    Gerald Hannon, Gay Youth and the Question of Consent, in LAVENDER CULTURE 358 (Karla Jay & Allen Young eds., 1994).

209    Id. at 342-64.

210    Id. at 362-63.

211    "Repeal of all laws governing the age of sexual consent." State 1972 Gay Rights Platform, in ENRIQUE RUEDA, THE HOMOSEXUAL NETWORK: PRIVATE LIVES AND PUBLIC POLICY 203 (1982).

212    Hannon, supra note 208, at 358 (emphasis added).

213    Id. at 354 (emphasis added).

214    Id. at 362, 364 (emphasis added). These recruitment methods are well known to the author who, up to age 16, was a member of the "Labor Youth League," organized (I realized later) by adults in the Communist Party. However, experimenting with radical political ideologies, ideas of the mind, do not corrupt body and soul, and, unlike homosexual experiments, can be a learning experience, left behind as easily as an old pair of socks.

215    Id.

216    Id.

217    Douglas A. Feldman, Gay Youth and AIDS, in GAY AND LESBIAN YOUTH (Gilbert Herdt ed., 1989). "About half of all gay men in major North American cities with large gay communities are HIV-1 seropositive," says Feldman. Id at 189. He writes that the highly promiscuous sex acts of "gay" youths predispose them as early AIDS victims.. Addressing the resistance of adult homosexuals  toward allowing "gay" youths to test for AIDS, Feldman explains these boys "would have about a one in four chance of developing AIDS in approximately 5 years." Id. at 188. Feldman, summarizing Bell & Holmes, adds, "Teenagers tend to be very susceptible to sexually transmitted diseases" concluding that teenagers will have higher HIV rates than bi/homosexual males who "come out" in "their 20’s, 30’s, and 40’s." Id. at 189. Feldman cites support data from the New York City Department of Health, Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (1985). Id.

218    Herdt, supra note 131, at 40-41 (emphasis added).

219    Id. at 41 (emphasis added).

220    Id. at 44.

221    Id. at 44-45 (emphasis added).

222    Editorial, SAN FRANCISCO SENTINEL, Mar. 26, 1992 (on file with author).

223    Gilbert Herdt, Introduction: Gay and Lesbian Youth, Emergent Identities, and Cultural Scenes at Home and Abroad, in GAY LESBIAN YOUTH 3 (Gilbert Herdt ed., 1989).

224    Id. Herdt explains, "When we ask whether gay men are born and not made, we must simultaneously wonder whether gay culture has, paradoxically, been made and not born?" Id. at 3.

225    Interview: Gilbert Herdt, J. PAEDOPHILA, Winter 1993, at 12.

226    Gisela Bleibtreu-Ehrenberg, Pederasty Among Primitives: Institutionalized Initiation and Cultic Prostitution, in MALE INTERGENERATIONAL INTIMACY: HISTORICAL, SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL, AND LEGAL PERSPECTIVES  16 (Theo Sandfort et al., eds., 1991) (emphasis added).

227    Lynch, supra note 207, at 175.

228    KIRK & MADSEN, supra note 17, at 312.

229    Id. at 315-17.

230    Lynch, supra note 207, at 172.

231    Id. at 172.

232    Id. at 172.

233    Id. at 173.

234    Id. at 173-77.

235    Id. at 48.

236    Lynch supra note 207, at 175.

237    Herdt, supra note 223, at 4.

238    See LASSON NEWSPAPER, Mar. 9, 1992. The Lasson is a student newspaper at George Mason Junior-Senior High School, Falls Church City, VA. The student newspaper ran an advertisement for an organization in the Mar. 9, 1992 edition that offered "support groups" and a "helpline" for "Gay, Lesbian and Bisexual Youth (aged 14-21) since 1985." The definition of "youth" as including those even age 24 appears throughout the homosexual school recruitment literature.

239    Herdt, supra note 223, at 3.

240    Id. at 4.

241    Id. at 29.

242    Feldman, supra note 217, at 192.

243    Id. at 188.

244    Id. at 189.

245    Id. at 188.

246    Id. at 192.

247    KIRK & MADSEN, supra note 17, at 228.

248    Id.

249    Id.

250    Id.

251    Id.

252    Id. at 229.

253    Id.

254    Id. at 228-29.

255    Id. at 229.

256    Karen M. Harbeck & Virginia Uribe, Addressing the Needs of Lesbian, Gay and Bisexual Youth: The Origins of Project 10 and School-Based Intervention, in COMING OUT OF THE CLASSROOM CLOSET: GAY AND LESBIAN STUDENTS, TEACHERS, AND CURRICULA 11 (Karen M. Harbeck ed., 1992).

257    ONE TEENAGER IN 10 (Ann Heron ed., 1983). One Teenager in 10 is a standard, sexually explicit text, commonly given to PROJECT 10 potential child initiates.

258    Id. at 60.

259    Id. at 33-34.

260    Id. at 48-49.

261    Id. at 67.

262    NEW YORK CITY DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, A TEENAGER’S BILL OF RIGHTS (1991). The pamphlet was published as part of New York City’s AIDS Program Services and was funded by the City and the Centers for Disease Control.

263    Id.

264    Id. at 2 (emphasis added).


266    Id. at 1.


268    Mark O'Keefe, Some in mainstream contend certain cases of adult-minor sex should be acceptable, STAR TRIBUNE (Minneapolis-St. Paul), Mar. 26, 2002, available at http://www.startribune.com/stories/384/2126968.html.

269    Id.

270    Id.

271    Brian Camenker, Special Report: Students Given Graphic Instruction in Homosexual Sex, MASS. NEWS (Newton, Mass.) May, 2000 at 12, available at http://www.massnews.com/900fist1.htm.

272    Id.

273    Id.

274    Id.

275    LYNCH, supra note 207, at 175.

276    HERDT, supra note 131 at 32.

277    Id. at 44.

278    Feldman, supra note 217; Lynch, supra note 207.


280    Id. at x.

281    Id. at 17.

282    Id. at 38.

283    Id. at ix.

284    Id. at ix.

285    Id. at book cover.

286    Id. at 17.

287    Id. at back cover of book jacket.

288    Id. at 178-202. During a television interview, Morris Kight, West Coast gay activist said while boy prostitutes were originally estimated at 300,000 , "It might well be double that amount," Id. at 212.

289    Abel, supra note 94, at 5-25.

290    Id. at 20-22.

291    Lever, supra note 53, at 21.



294    This author "met" Jeffrey Dahmer in July 1991, just before he was arrested. Dahmer, naked except for his sadomasochistic leather straps, chains and crotch gear, jumped off a parade float manned by his sadism colleagues in the Milwaukee, Wisconsin gay rights parade to greet a group of us onlookers—where he seduced his last young victim,.

295    See, e.g., WASH. TIMES, June 14, 1989 at F4, in Tacoma, Washington, a paroled child sex offender raped and sexually mutilated and castrated a 7-year-old boy, triggering a "task force on sexual predators" in Washington State. The story was buried by most of the establishment press.

296    See WASH. POST, Oct. 23, 1983, at A14. The child was abducted July 27, 1981 and his remains located on August 10, 1981. His homosexual killers were found some time later and convicted. See the "Center for Missing and Exploited Children" in Arlington, Virginia for documents relating to this and similar child sodomy mutilation and rape murders.

297    Lloyd, supra note 279, at 102 (emphasis added).

298    Id. at 103.

299    Id.

300    Id.

301    REISMAN, supra note 75.

302    U.S. Department of Justice, Office Of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Sexual Assault of Young Children as Reported to Law Enforcement, July 2000, at 2, available at http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/abstract/saycrle.htm (last visited Apr. 2, 2002) (presenting findings of the National Incidence Based Reporting System (NIBRS)).

303    Id. at 1.

304    Id.

305    Id.

306    Children as Victims, JUVENILE JUSTICE BULLETIN: 1999 NATIONAL REPORT SERIES, May 2000, at 10, available at http://www.ncjrs.org/html/ojjdp/2000_5_2/contents.html (last visited Apr. 4, 2002).

307    Id. at 8.

308    Id. at 4 (emphasis added).

309    Id. at 4.

310    Officials Cite a Rise in Killers Who Roam U.S. for Victims, N.Y. TIMES, Jan. 21, 1984, at A1-7.

311    Id.

312    Id.

313    Id.

314    LLOYD, supra note 279, at 43-44.

315    Id. at 43.

316    Barry Bearak, Serial Sex Killings of Young Boys Horrify Pakistan, N.Y. TIMES, Dec. 7, 1999, at A3.

317    Id.

318    Id.

319    Gunman kills 16 children in a Scottish kindergarten, WASH. TIMES, Mar. 14, 1996, at A1-10.

320    Id.

321    Id.

322    LLOYD, supra note 279, at 31.

323    Id. at 15-16.

324    Id. at xvii.

325    Id. at 49.

326    Id. at 56.

327    Id. at 53.



330    Id. at 34.

331    Id.

332    Id. at 35.

333    Id. at 78 (internal citations omitted).

334    LLOYD, supra note 279, at 81.

335    Id. at 67.

336    WEST, supra note 329, at 328.

337    REISMAN, supra note 75.

338    See Cover-Up at American University?, 6 ACCURACY IN ACADEMIA 1, 5 (1991); Obscene Phone Calls Are Traced to American University President, WASH. POST, Apr. 25, 1990, at A24; Educator accused of sex abuse noted AU psychology head, Dr. McGinnies’ confession to the crime, BALT. SUN, June 19, 1986, at D16 (the story never appeared in the Washington, DC papers); and, Nobel Winner Guilty of Abusing Boy, WASH. POST, Feb. 9, 1997, at A1.

For the story behind John Money’s sex change operations at John Hopkins see JOHN COLAPINTO, AS NATURE MADE HIM (2000). See also Dateline (ABC television broadcast, Feb. 11, 2000).

339    PAGLIA, supra note 147.

340    Joseph Berger, A Lesbian Activist’s Comments on Homosexuality, in NARTH BULL., Aug. 1996, at 1 (1996) (quoting Camille Paglia) (emphasis added).


342    Id. at book jacket cover.


344    Id. at 75.


346    Id.


348    LIVELY & ABRAMS, supra note 341, at 204-205 (citing to Eric Pollard, Letters to the Editor, WASH. BLADE, Jan. 1992 ("Time to give up fascist tactics.")).

349    LIVELY & ABRAMS, supra note 341, at 205.

350    Id. at 200-07.

351    REISMAN & JOHNSON, supra note 84.

352    PAGLIA, supra note 147, at 74.

353    Id.

354    Jason Del Maris, How to Seduce a Straight Man, THE ADVOCATE, Mar. 28, 1989, at 38-41.

355    REISMAN & JOHNSON, supra note 84. See Toward a Fuller Understanding of Homosexuality, in COLLECTED PAPERS FROM THE NARTH ANNUAL CONFERENCE 168-86 (1995).

356    LONG ROAD TO FREEDOM, supra note 5, at 164.

357    Ten unduplicated months at two magazines per year over five years were analyzed using a pretested coding instrument on both samples. The resulting data were classified and tabulated by language variables (.80 IRR) with the simple frequencies and cross-tabulations identified Washingtonian and Advocate solicitation characteristics.

358    KIRK & MADSEN, supra note 17, at 107. The authors cite Harvard students anger that their toilets are homosexual solicitation centers. Id.




1988; Dec. 20, 1988; Jan. 3, 1989; Nov. 21, 1989; Apr. 10, 1990; Oct. 9, 1990; May 7, 1991; Sept. 10, 1991; Mar. 24, 1992; and June 30, 1992; and the WASHINGTONIAN: Jan. 1988, Dec.r 1988, Feb. 1989, Nov. 1989, Mar. 1990, Oct. 1990, Apr. 1991, Sept. 1991, May 1992, and Aug. 1992.

362    REISMAN & JOHNSON, supra note 84, at 169.

363    KIRK & MADSEN, supra note 17, at 47.

364    Letter  from James  Madison to W.T. Barry (Aug. 4, 1832),  reprinted in THE COMPLETE MADISON 337 (S. Padower ed., 1953).

365    MAROTTA, supra note 140, at 71, 75.

366    REISMAN & JOHNSON, supra note 84, at A-17.


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